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.JOHN  j\^^ 


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i..E   (1823) 


i  :aL  law  (1319-1842 


JOHN   QUINCY  ADAMS 


HIS  CONNECTION   WITH 


THE    MOJSTEOE    DOCTEINE   (1823) 


BY 


WORTHINGTON   CHAUNCEY  FORD 


AND  WITH 

EMANCIPATION  UNDER  MARTIAL  LAW  (1819-1842) 

BY 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS 


[Reprinted  from  the  Proceedings  op  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society,  for  January,  1902] 


CAMBRIDGE 
JOHN    WILSON    AND    SON 

SSntijersitg  Press 
1902 


yd 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS 


AND 


THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE   (1823) 

BY 

WORTHINGTON  CHAUNCEY  FORD 


239934 


JOHN  QUINCY   ADAMS 


AND 


THE    MONROE    DOCTRINE  (1823). 

r 


I  AM  able  to  use  in  this  place  only  a  part  of  the  unpublished 
material  I  have  found  bearing  upon  the  genesis  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine.  Nor  can  the  full  connection  of  this  new  material 
with  what  has  already  been  printed  be  developed,  as  the  story 
would  take  me'  back  to  1817  and  forward  to  1828,  were  I  to 
attempt  a  full  relation.  I  therefore  confine  myself  to  some 
important  papers,  merely  adding  that  I  have  found  other  quite 
as  important  papers,  which  will  receive  attention  at  a  later  time. 
The  notable  enunciation  of  the  doctrine  that  America  was 
no  longer  open  to  colonization  by  any  European  power  is  hardly 
touched  upon  in  the  papers  now  printed.  It  was  a  doctrine 
that  admittedly  came  from  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  there  has 
never  been  any  doubt  as  to  its  authorship.  With  what  re- 
mains of  the  Monroe  doctrine  a  reasonable  doubt  has  been 
maintained  ;  but  I  think  the  documents  now  published  will 
show  that  no  member  of  Monroe's  Cabinet,  except  his  Secre- 
tary of  State,  held  a  positive  opinion  on  the  general  phases  of 
Canning's  proposals  and  of  the  Russian  communications,  or 
succeeded  in  attaining  a  position  which  was  defensible  from 
every  point  of  view.  , Monroe  himself  has  long  been  judged 
as  unlikely  to  take  so  extreme  a  stand  in  the  face  of  allied 
Europe,  for  he  was  by  nature  a  timid  man,  and  was  at  this 
time  in  poor  health.  ^  He  had  had  a  large  experience  in  diplo- 
matic service,  but  it  was  on  the  side  of  failure  and  disappoint- 
ment. This  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  for  a  long  spoon  was 
needed  to  sup  with  George  Canning  in  his  days  of  anti-Jac- 
obinism, or  with  Talleyrand  under  a  chief  even  more  unscrupu- 
lous than  himself.  It  is  difficult  to  see  the  "  radical "  Monroe 
of  1794  in  the  presiding  genius  of  the  era  of  good  feeling. 


6 

In  an  appendix  will  be  found  certain  despatches  from  Rich- 
ard Rush  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  Rush,  in  his  "  Memoranda 
of  a  Residence  at  the  Court  of  London,"  prints  three  of  his 
despatches  relating  to  his  conferences  with  Canning  on  the 
affairs  of  South  America,  as  follows:  No.  325,  August  23, 
1823  (p.  415)  ;  No.  326,  August  28  (p.  420) ;  and  No.  331, 
September  19  (p.  429).  Mr.  Adams's  reply  covered  not  only 
these  despatches,  but  also  Nos.  323,  330,  332,  334,  and  336, 
which  are  now  printed  for  the  first  time,  with  the  notes  of 
Canning  enclosed  in  them  or  referred  to  in  the  other  commu- 
nications.^ From  the  Monroe  papers  I  take  a  private  letter 
from  Richard  Rush  to  Monroe,  dated  September  15,  and  from 
the  same  source,  a  letter  from  Daniel  Sheldon,  Secretary  of 
the  American  Legation  at  Paris,  to  John  Quincy  Adams,  dated 
October  30.  From  the  Adams  manuscripts  at  Quincy  I  take 
letters  from  Richard  Rush  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated 
November  26  and  December  27,  with  a  private  and  confiden- 
tial note  from  George  Canning  to  Richard  Rush,  dated  De- 
cember 13.  In  these  twelve  letters  the  story  of  the  English 
advances  is  told,  with  all  the  details,  save  such  as  were  given 
in  the  three  important  despatches  published  by  Rush  in  his 
"  Memoranda,"  and  they  constitute  the  first  chapter  or  division 
of  my  material. 

Unfortunately,  the  "  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams  "  con- 
tain no  entries  from  September  11,  1823,  when  the  writer  was 
still  at  Quincy,  and  November  7,  when  the  first  effects  of  Can- 
ning's advances  had  passed  away.  We  are  therefore  without 
any  record  of  the  effect  they  produced  upon  Adams  and  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet.  Upon  the  President  we  know  they 
had  a  profound  influence,  leading  him  to  turn  for  advice  and 
assistance  to  Jefferson  and  Madison,  to  whom  he  sent  copies  of 
these  confidential  papers,  —  a  somewhat  unusual  step,  and  not 
a  little  indiscreet.  For  an  accident  would  have  placed  Rush 
in  a  most  awkward  position,  and  could  not  have  been  pleasant 
for  Adams,  who  knew  nothing  of  this  reference.'^  Monroe's 
letter  to  Jefferson  has  never  been  printed,  and  was  as  follows : 

1  These  papers  are  taken  from  the  files  of  the  Department  of  State,  and  by  the 
courtesy  of  that  Department  I  obtained  copies. 

2  "Be  so  good  as  to  send  the  copies  mentioned  in  our  meeting  to-day,  of  the 
correspondence  between  Mr.  Rush  and  Mr.  Canning,  since  I  deem  the  subject  of 
the  highest  importance."  James  Monroe  to  Adams,  Washington,  October  11, 
1823.     MS. 


MONROE  TO  JEFFERSON. 

Oakhill  October  17*V  1823 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  transmit  to  you  two  despatches,  which  were  received 
from  Mr.  Rush,  while  I  was  lately  in  Washington,  which  involve  inter- 
ests of  the  highest  importance.  They  contain  two  letters  from  Mr. 
Canning,  suggesting  designs  of  the  holy  alliance,  against  the  Indepen- 
dence of  S°  America,  &  proposing  a  cooperation,  between  G.  Britain  & 
the  U  States,  in  support  of  it,  against  the  members  of  that  alliance. 
The  project  aims  in  the  first  instance,  at  a  mere  expression  of  opinion, 
somewhat  in  the  abstract,  but  which  it  is  expected  by  Mr.  Canning, 
will  have  a  great  political  effect,  by  defeating  the  combination.  By  Mr. 
Rush's  answers,  which  are  also  inclosed,  you  will  see  the  light  in  which 
he  views  the  subject,  &  the  extent  to  which  he  may  have  gone.  Many 
important  considerations  are  involved  in  this  proposition.  1^-  Shall  we 
entangle  ourselves,  at  all,  in  European  politicks,  &  wars,  on  the  side  of 
any  power,  against  others,  presuming  that  a  concert  by  agreement,  of 
the  kind  proposed,  may  lead  to  that  result  ?  2*^-  If  a  case  can  exist,  in 
which  a  sound  maxim  may,  &  ought  to  be  departed  from,  is  not  the 
present  instance,  precisely  that  case  ?  3^  Has  not  the  epoch  arriv'd 
when  G.  Britain  must  take  her  stand,  either  on  the  side  of  the  raonarchs 
of  Europe,  or  of  the  U  States,  &  in  consequence,  either  in  favor  of 
Despotism  or  of  liberty  &  may  it  not  be  presum'd,  that  aware  of  that 
necessity,  her  government,  has  seiz'd  on  the  present  occurrence,  as  that, 
which  it  deems,  the  most  suitable,  to  announce  &  mark  the  commenc'- 
ment  of  that  career. 

Hy  own  impression  is  that  we  ought  to  meet  the  proposal  of  the 
British  gov%  &  to  make  it  known,  that  we  would  view  an  interference 
on  the  part  of  the  European  powers,  and  especially  an  attack  on  the 
Colonies,  by  them,  as  an  attack  on  ourselves,  presuming  that  if  they 
succeeded  with  them,  they  would  extend  it  to  us.  I  am  sensible  however 
of  the  extent,  &  difficulty  of  the  question,  &  shall  be  happy  to  have 
yours,  &  Mr.  Madison's  opinions  on  it.  I  do  not  wish  to  trouble 
either  of  you  with  small  objects,  but  the  present  one  is  vital,  involving 
the  high  interests,  for  which  we  have  so  long  &  so  faithfully,  &  harmo- 
niously, contended  together.  Be  so  kind  as  to  enclose  to  him  the  de- 
spatches, with  an  intimation  of  the  motive.     With  great  respect  &c 

James  Monroe 
Reed  Oct  23 1 

1  From  the  Jefferson  MSS.  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"  I  forward  you  two  most  important  letters  sent  to  me  by  the  President  and  add 
his  letter  to  me  by  which  you  will  perceive  his  prima  facie  views.  This  you  will 
be  so  good  as  to  return  to  me,  and  forward  the  others  to  him."  Jefferson  to  Mad- 
ison, October  24,  1823.    MS. 


( 

8 

The  result  of  this  consultation  were  the  letters  from  Jeffer- 
son to  Monroe,  October  24th,  from  Madison  to  Monroe,  October 
30th,  and  from  Madison  to  Jefferson,  November  1st,  which  are 
too  well  known  and  accessible  to  require  even  a  summary  of 
their  contents.  It  is,  however,  worth  noting  that  Monroe 
kept  these  replies  by  him,  not  showing  them  to  Adams  until 
November  15th,  or  nearly  two  weeks  after  their  receipt. 

While  this  interchange  of  opinions  on  the  Canning  proposals 
was  taking  place,  a  new  element  was  introduced  by  the  stand 
taken  by  Russia.  It  was  not  unusual  for  the  ruler  of  that 
Empire  to  take  the  governments  of  other  countries  into  his 
confidence  and  display  before  them  some  of  the  political  prin- 
ciples which  controlled  his  actions  or  explain  some  of  the 
motives  which  actuated  his  councils.  As  a  member  of  the 
Holy  Alliance,  he  was  bound  by  its  decisions,  and  was  often 
made  the  spokesman  of  its  policy.  Such  utterances  usually 
took  the  form  of  circular  letters  addressed  to  the  different 
cabinets  of  Europe,  and,  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  discover, 
had  not  for  some  years  been  addressed  to  the  United  States. 
This  was  only  natural,  for  the  United  States  had  deliberately 
isolated  itself  from  European  councils,  and  could  hardly  ex- 
pect to  be  deemed  worthy  of  being  taken  into  the  secret 
conclaves  of  the  Powers  dealing  with  matters  on  which  our 
representatives  were  ever  asserting  they  could  give  no  opinion 
or  pledge  of  action.  Further,  the  very  political  system  of  the 
United  States  was  so  opposed  to  that  dominating  Europe,  that 
ground  for  common  action  could  not  be  found.  If  England, 
with  her  relatively  liberal  system  and  many  mutual  interests 
with  continental  Europe,  found  herself  unable  to  act  with  the 
Holy  Alliance,  it  was  out  of  the  question  for  the  United  States, 
without  any  of  these  interests,  to  take  part  in  their  proceed- 
ings. There  was  every  reason  for  keeping  entirely  aloof,  and, 
even  in  a  matter  that  did  concern  our  country,  like  the  nego- 
tiations on  the  slave  trade,  it  was  only  as  a  matter  of  favor  that 
the  United  States  was  informed  of  the  conclusions,  and  as  a 
matter  of  grace  invited  to  give  its  adherence  to  the  result.  It 
was  therefore  an  unusual  episode  to  receive  from  the  Russian 
minister  communications  bearing  upon  public  policy.  The 
nature  of  those  communications  is  best  explained  in  the  elabo- 
rate memorandum  prepared  by  Mr.  Adams  for  submission  to 
the  President.^ 

1  Printed  post,  p.  26. 


Po«. 


9 

In  the  first  week  in  November  three  despatches  from  Rush 
reached  the  Department/  and  the  Memoirs  again  begin  to 
record  the  Cabinet  meetings.  To  Canning's  original  proposals 
there  was  no  exception  to  be  taken,  except  on  the  ground  of 
a  certain  vagueness  as  to  the  possibilit}^  of  entire  co-operation. 
He  had  in  his  five  heads  expressed  only  what  the  government 
of  the  United  States  had  already  accepted  as  its  policy.  The 
guarded  utterances  of  Rush  in  his  exchange  of  notes  with 
Canning  had  gone  as  far  as  it  was  possible  to  go  without 
positive  instructions  from  the  administration,  and  those  in- 
structions could  have  been  issued  without  unduly  binding  our 
government  to  follow  Great  Britain  in  every  contingency. 
The  President,  by  the  very  form  of  his  questions  to  Jefferson, 
implied  that  he  would  even  favor  a  departure  in  this  instance 
from  the  traditional  policy  of  isolation.  But  Canning  blun- 
dered. He  intimated,  to  Rush  that  the  Alliance  had  intentions 
against  the  late  Spanish  colonies  of  South  America,  and  urged 
the  American  minister  to  enter  into  a  definite  and  binding 
compact.  Yet  he  did  not  tell  Rush  from  what  source  he  had 
obtained  this  information,  and  thus  gave  rise  to  a  suspicion  that 
his  solicitude  was  not  entirely  disinterested,  or  his  urgency  was 
not  calculated  to  compromit  Rush  for  the  benefit  of  the  British 
government.  Upon  the  despatches  from  Rush,  Adams  com- 
mented :  "  The  object  of  Canning  appears  to  have  been  to 
obtain  some  public  pledge  from  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  ostensibly  against  the  forcible  interference  of  the  Holy 
Alliance  between  Spain  and  South  America  f  but  really  or 
especially  against  the  acquisition  to  the  United  States  them- 
selves of  any  part  of  the  Spanish-American  possessions.  .  .  . 
By  joining  with  her,  therefore,  in  her  proposed  declaration,  we 
give  her  a  substantial  and  perhaps  inconvenient  pledge  against 
ourselves,  and  really  obtain  nothing  in  return."  ^ 

In  place  of  a  co-operation  with  Great  Britain,  Adams  favored 
seizing  the  opportunity  offered  by  the  communications  from  the 
Russian  minister.  The  government  of  the  United  States,  while 
declining  the  overture  of  Great  Britain,  could  thus  take  its 
stand  against  the  Holy  Alliance.     "  It  would  be  more  candid, 

1  These  were  numbered  330,  331,  and  332,  and  were  dated  September  8,  19, 
and  20  respectively.  No.  330  is  endorsed  as  received  November  6,  while  Nos.  331 
and  382  were  received  November  3. 

2  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI  177,  178. 

2 


w^- 


\ 


10 

as  well  as  more  dignified,  to  avow  our  principles  explicitly  to 
Russia  and  France,  than  to  come  in  as  a  cock-boat  in  the  wake 
of  the  British  man-of-war."  This  was  the  policy  that  was  dis- 
cussed under  many  forms  by  the  Cabinet  during  the  month  of 
November,  and  for  which  Adams  fought  so  well. 

It  was  at  this  stage  that  the  first  of  our  Adams  manuscripts 
was  submitted  to  the  Cabinet,  —  the  draft  of  his  reply  to 
Baron  Tuyll.  It  appears  to  have  been  prepared  on  October  18, 
two  days  after  the  letter  from  Baron  Tuyll  had  been  received, 
but  it  was  not  laid  before  the  Cabinet  till  November  7.  As 
the  communications  with  the  Russian  Minister  had  been  part 
verbal  and  part  in  writing,  the  Secretary  thought  it  would  be 
only  proper  to  reply  in  the  same  manner.  To  answer  the 
whole  in  one  written  note  might  place  the  Baron  in  an  awk- 
»<^' 'v/)  ward  predicament.     But  he  warned  the  President  that  "  the 

\    ^)    fv  answer  to  be  given  to  Baron  Tuyll,  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Rush 

•M  A  relative  to  the  proposals  of  Mr.  Canning,  those  to  Mr.  Middle- 

ton  at  SiitJBfiiersburgj  and  those  to  the  minister  who  must  be 
sent  to  France,  must  all  be  part  of  a  combined  system  of  policy 
and  adapted  to  each  other." 

The  draft  of  the  note  to  Baron  de  Tuyll  was  as  follows :  — 

Adams's  Draft.^ 
Thk  Baron  dk  Tuyll, 

Envoy  Extraordinary  &  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  Russia. 

Depabtmbnt  op  State.    Washington,  ^—^^P  1823. 

Sir,  —  I  have  had  the  honour  of  receiving  your  Note  of  the  -j*^  inst* 
communicating  the  information  that  His  Imperial  Majesty  the  Emperor 
of  all  the  Russias  has  determined  in  no  case  whatsoever  to  receive  any 
agent  whatsoever  either  from  the  Government  of  the  Republic  of  Co- 
lumbia, or  from  any  other  of  the  Governments  de  facto,  which  owe 
their  existence  to  the  Events  of  which  the  new  World  has  for  some 
years  past  been  the  theatre. 

Influenced  by  the  considerations  which  prescribe  it  as  a  duty  to  inde- 
pendent Christian  Nations  of  Christians  to  entertain  with  each  other, 
the  friendly  relations  which  sentiments  of  humanity  and  their  mutual 
interests  require,  and  satisfied  that  those  of  South  America  had  become 
irrevocably  Independent  of  Spain  the  Government  of  the  United  States 
B  [have  interchanged  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  with  the  RepubHc  of 
Colombia,  have  appointed  Ministers  of  the  same  Rank  to  the  Govern- 

1  What  is  enclosed  in  brackets  was  struck  out  by  the  President.  Words  in 
italic  were  also  omitted  from  the  final  form  of  this  letter. 


11 

ments  of  Mexico,  Buenos  Ayres  and  Chili,  have  received  a  Minister 
and  other  Diplomatic  Agents  from  Mexico,  and  will  continue  to  receive 
and  send  Agents  Diplomatic  and  Commercial,  in  their  intercourse  with 
the  other  American  Independant  Nations,  as  in  the  performance  of 
their  social  duties,  and  in  the  pursuit  of  their  lawful  Interests  they 
shall  find  expedient  proper.  While  regretting  that  the  political  prin- 
ciples maintained  by  His  Imperial  Majesty  and  his  allies,  have  not  yet 
led  the  Imperial  Government  to  the  same  result,  and  that  they  have  not 
seen  fit  to  receive  the  diplomatic  agent  Minister  of  Peace  said  to  have 
been  commissioned  by  the  Republican  Government  of  Colombia,  to  re- 
side near  his  Imperial  Majesty,  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
respecting  in  others  that  self-dependent  Sovereignty  which  they  exer- 
cise themselves,  receive  from  you  the  information  of  his  Majesty's  deter- 
mination on  this  subject  in  the  Spirit  of  Candour,  frankness,  and  of 
amicable  disposition  with  which  it  is  given .1 

D.  I  avail  myself  of  the  occasion  to  reiterate  to  you.  Sir,  the  assur- 
ance of  my  distinguished  Consideration. 

C.  From  the  information  contained  in  your  Note,  it  appears  that  the 
political  Principles  maintained  by  His  Imperial  Majesty  and  his  allies, 
have  not  led  the  Imperial  Government  to  the  same  result.  I  am  in- 
structed by  the  President  to  assure  you,  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  respecting  in  others  the  Independence  of  the  Sovereign 
authority,  which  they  exercise  themselves,  receive  the  communication 
of  H.  I.  M's  determination  on  that  subject  in  the  Spirit  of  Candour, 
frankness  and  of  amicable  disposition  with  which  it  is  made.     D. 

Monroe's   Suggested   Changes.^ 

B.  The  government  of  the  U  States  thought  it  proper  to  ac- 
knowledge their  independance,  in  March  1822.,  by  an  act  which  was 
then  published  to  the  world.  This  government  has  since  interchanged 
ministers  with  the  republic  of  Columbia,  has  appointed  ministers  of  the 
same  rank  to  the  governments  of  Mexico,  Buenos  Ayres,  &  Chili, 
has  received  a  minister  &  other  diplomatic  agents  from  Mexico,  and 
preservd,  in  other  respects  the  same  intercourse,  with  those  new  States, 
that  they  have  with  other  powers.  ^ 

By  a  recurrence  to  the  message  of  the  President,  a  copy  of  which  is 
enclosed,  you  will  find,  that  this  measure  was  adopted  on  great  con- 
sideration ;  that  the  attention  of  this  gov.  had  been  called,  to  the  con- 
test, between  the  parent  country  &  the  Colonies,  from  an  early  period 
that  it  had  marked  the  course  of  events  with  impartiality,  &  had  become 
perfectly  satisfied,  that  Spain  could  not  reestablish  her  authority  over 
them  :  that  in  fact  the  new  States  were  completely  independant.     C. 

1  See  Monroe's  letter  on  p.  13. 


12 

[Under  those  circumstances  my  gov!  has  heard  with  great  regret,  the 
information  containd  in  your  note  that  the  political  principles  main- 
taind  by  his  Imperial  Majesty  &  his  allies,  have  not  yet  led  the  Imperial 
gov',  to  the  same  result.  I  am  instructed  however  by  the  President  to 
assure  you,  that  this  communication  of  H.  I.  M.'s  determination,  on  this 
subject  has  been  receivd  in  the  spirit  of  candour,  frankness,  &  of 
amicable  disposition  with  which  it  is  given.] 

It  was  Calhoun  who  objected  to  the  words  Christian^  an- 
nexed to  independent  nations,  and  of  peace^  added  to  the  word 
minister.  In  spite  of  Adams  explaining  that  "  all  the  point  of 
my  note  was  in  these  two  words,  as  my  object  was  to  put  the 
Emperor  in  the  wrong  in  the  face  of  the  world  as  much  as  pos- 
sible," they  were  struck  from  the  draft.  The  cabinet  meeting 
came  to  an  end  before  the  form  of  the  note  had  been  deter- 
mined, but  developed  some  difference  of  opinion  upon  the  man- 
ner of  replying  to  the  Russian  communications.  With  the 
President  Adams  agreed  to  confine  his  written  reply  to  the 
purport  of  the  Baron's  written  note,  and  to  see  the  Baron 
again  upon  the  verbal  part  of  his  communication.  This  would 
be  limited  to  an  expression  of  the  intention  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  to  continue  to  remain  neutral. 

Before  the  Secretary  could  see  the  Russian  Minister  on  the 
next  day  Monroe  began  to  have  doubts,  and  he  wrote  the  fol- 
lowing note :  — 

JAMES  MONROE  TO  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Nov  8,  1823. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  called  to  confer  a  moment  with  you  respecting  the 
concerns  depending  with  the  minister  of  Russia,  but  not  meeting  with 
you,  and  hearing  that  you  are  expected  to  have  an  interview  with  the 
minister  of  Russia,  to  day,  I  drop  you  a  few  lines  on  that  subject. 

In  the  interview,  I  think  that  it  will  be  proper,  to  extend  your  con- 
versation &  enquiries  to  every  point,  which  seems  to  be  embraced,  by 
his  note,  &  informal  communication,  with  a  view  to  make  it  the  basis 
of  all  subsequent  measures,  either  with  Congress,  or  through  Mr.  Rush 
with  the  British  gov*  If  you  see  no  impropriety,  in  it,  I  think  that  I 
would  ask  him,  whether  he  intended,  by  the  terms  "political  principles" 
to  refer  to  the  governments  established,  in  the  new  states,  as  distinguish- 
ing them  from  those  of  Europe.^     the  strict  import  justifies  the  conclu- 

1  The  Baron  said  the  words  were  used  "  in  the  instructions  of  the  Government 
to  him,  and  he  understood  them  to  have  reference  to  the  right  of  supremacy  of 
Spain  over  her  colonies.  I  had  so  understood  them  myself,  and  had  not  enter- 
tained a  moment's  doubt  as  to  their  meaning."  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams, 
VI.  182. 


13 

sion  that  he  does,  and  that  is  supported  by  all  the  recent  movements  of 
the  allied  powers,  in  Europe.  Still  to  give  it  that  construction,  without 
his  sanction,  in  this  form,  might  be  objected  to  hereafter.  I  merely 
suggest  this  for  your  consideration,  to  which  I  add,  that  if  there  be 
cause  to  doubt  the  propriety  of  the  step,  you  had  better  decline  it,  for 
further  reflection,  especially  as  other  opportunities  will  present  them- 
selves, in  future  conferences  with  him,  on  the  same  subject. 

On  the  other  point  I  need  add  nothing  at  this  time.  Indeed  I  do  not 
know  that  I  can  say  anything,  in  addition  to  what  was  suggested  on  it 
yesterday.  It  is  probable  that  something  may  occur  in  your  conference, 
which  may  make  it  proper,  to  enlarge  the  sphere  of  the  communication. 

J.  M} 

JAMES  MONROE   TO  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Dear  Sir,  — il  enclose  you  a  modification,  of  your  note  in  reply  to 
that  of  the  Russian  minister  for  your  consideration.  The  part  for  which 
it  is  proposed  to  be  a  substitute  is  marked  with  a  pencil  —  tho'  much  of 
that  thus  marked  is  retained.  You  will  be  able  to  decide  how  far  such 
a  modification,  will  be  proper  from  what  may  have  taken  place  in  your 
conference  with  the  minister.  The  object  is,  to  soften  the  communica- 
tion, in  some  degree,  without  losing  any  portion  of  the  decision  called 
for  by  the  occasion. 

J.  M. 
Nov>^  10,  1823.2 

The  President's  message,  was  to  be  sent  to  Congress  early  in 
December,  and  the  usual  procedure  was  followed  in  compos- 
ing that  document.  The  head  of  each  Department  drew  up  a 
memorandum  of  the  important  matters  pertaining  to  his  De- 
partment, both  matters  that  were  pending  and  matters  that 
had  been  accomplished.  On  November  13th,  Adams  made 
such  a  memorandum  for  his  Department,  but  found  the  Presi- 
dent still  "  altogether  unsettled  in  his  own  mind"  on  the  an- 
swer to  be  given  to  Canning's  proposals,  and  "  alarmed,  far 
beyond  anything  that  I  could  have  conceived  possible,  with 
the  fear  that  the  Holy  Alliance  are  about  to  restore  imme- 
diately all  South  America  to  Spain."  In  this  view  he  was 
supported  by  Calhoun,  a  man  who  certainly  did  not  err  on  the 
side  of  a  cheerful  optimism,  and  the  surrender  of  Cadiz  to  the 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 

2  Ibid.  In  noting  the  receipt  of  this  letter  from  the  President,  Adams  says, 
"  I  think  also  of  proposing  another  modification."  The  "  Memoirs  "  (VI.  184)  tell 
us  what  this  modification  was  —  "  leaving  out  entirely  the  expression  of  regret  — 
which  he  approved." 


14 

French  was  the  immediate  cause  of  this  despair.  Adams 
pressed  for  a  decision,  either  to  accept  or  to  decline  Canning's 
advances,  and  a  despatch  could  then  be  prepared  conformable 
to  either  decision.^ 

If  Calhoun  was  the  alarmist  member  of  the  Cabinet,  Adams 
was  at  the  other  extreme.  As  well  expect  Chiraborazo  to  sink 
beneath  the  ocean,  he  believed,  as  to  look  to  the  Holy  Alliance 
to  restore  the  Spanish  dominion  upon  the  American  continent. 
If  the  South  Americans  really  had  so  fragile  governments  as 
Calhoun  represented  them  to  be,  there  was  every  reason  not 
to  involve  the  United  States  in  their  fate.  With  indecision 
in  the  President  and  dark  apprehension  in  Calhoun,  Adams 
alone  held  a  definite  opinion,  and  in  clear  phrase  he  expressed 
it  in  summation  of  the  Cabinet  discussion  :  — 

"  I  thought  we  should  bring  the  whole  answer  to  Mr.  Canning's  pro- 
posals to  a  test  of  right  and  wrong.  Considering  the  South  Americans 
as  independent  nations,  they  themselves,  and  no  other  nation,  had  the 
right  to  dispose  of  their  condition.  We  have  no  right  to  dispose  of 
them,  either  alone  or  in  conjunction  with  other  nations.  Neither  have 
any  other  nations  the  right  of  disposing  of  them  without  their  consent. 
This  principle  will  give  us  a  clue  to  answer  all  Mr.  Canning's  questions 
with  candor  and  confidence,  and  I  am  to  draft  a  dispatch  accordingly."  ^ 

Before  the  draft  had  been  prepared  two  more  despatches  were 
received  from  Rush,  dated  the  2d  and  10th  of  October,  indicat- 
ing a  decided  change  in  Canning's  tone,  and  almost  an  indiffer- 
ence on  his  part  to  pursue  further  the  project  of  united  action. 
The  immediate  cause  of  this  cooling  in  enthusiasm  could  not 
then  be  known  to  our  minister,  but  it  was  to  be  found  in  a 
conference  between  Canning  and  Prince  de  Polignac  on  Span- 
ish affairs,  during  which  the  representative  of  France  gave 
positive  assurances  on  the  lines  of  Canning's  ideas.  The 
Prince  de  Polignac  declared, — 

"  That  his  Government  believed  it  to  be  utterly  hopeless  to  reduce 
Spanish  America  to  the  state  of  its  former  relations  to  Spain  ; 

"  That  France  disclaimed,  on  Her  part,  any  intention  or  desire  to  avail 
Herself  of  the  present  State  of  the  Colonies,  or  of  the  present  situation 
of  France  towards  Spain,  to  appropriate  to  Herself  any  part  of  the 
Spanish  Possessions  in  America,  or  to  obtain  for  Herself  any  exclusive 
advantages ; 

1  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI.  185. 

2  Ibid.  186.  .  .     . 


15 

"And  that,  like  England,  She  would  willingly  see  the  Mother 
Country  in  possession  of  superior  commercial  advantages,  by  amicable 
arrangements;  and  would  be  contented,  like  Her,  to  rank,  after  the 
Mother  Country,  among  the  most  favoured  nations ; 

"  Lastly,  that  She  abjured,  in  any  case,  any  design  of  acting  against 
the  Colonies  by  force  of  arms."  ^ 

The  draft  of  the  reply  to  all  of  Rush's  despatches  on  Can- 
ning's proposals  was  prepared  on  November  17th,  and  given 
to  the  President  on  the  same  day.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  general  intention  of  Adams  in  preparing  this  draft,  the 
scope  of  his  policy  was  greatly  enlarged  by  certain  communi- 
cations made  by  the  Russian  Minister.  It  was  sufficiently 
aggravating  to  have  been  lectured  on  political  principles  in 
the  note  instructing  the  minister  to  make  it  known  that  the 
Emperor  would  receive  no  representatives  from  the  late  Span- 
ish colonies.  The  few  political  remarks  in  reply  included  in 
Adams's  note  to  Baron  Tuyll  had  been  ruthlessly  cut  out  by 
the  President,  as  tending  to  irritate  his  Imperial  Majesty. 
iFrom  a  statement  of  principle  it  had  been  turned,  as  Adams 
(says,  into  "  the  tamest  of  all  State  papers." ^  The  only  conso- 
lation was  that  it  entirely  satisfied  the  Russian  minister,  j^.  But 
now  another  Russian  manifesto  was  communicated,  explain- 
ing more  fully  the  views  and  intentions  of  the  Holy  Alliance, 
and  couched  in  language  which  only  an  autocrat  could  em- 
ploy.^ This  gave  Adams  his  opening.  If  the  Emperor  set  up 
to  be  tlie  mouthpiece  of  Divine  Providence,  it  would  be  well 
to  intimate  that  this  country  did  not  recognize  the  language 
spoken,  and  had  a  destiny  of  its  own,  also  under  the  guidance 
of  Divine  Providence*  If  Alexander  could  exploit  his  politi- 
cal principles,  those  of  a  brutal  repressive  policy,  the  United 
States  could  show  that  another  system  of  government,  remote 
and  separate  from  European  traditions  and  administration, 
could  give  rise  to  a  new  and  more  active  political  principle, — 
the  consent  of  the  governed,  between  which  and  the  Emperor 
there  could  not  exist  even  a  sentimental  sympathy.  If  the 
Holy  Alliance  could  boast  of  its  strength  and  agreement  when 
engaged  in  stamping  out  all  opposition  to  legitimacy,  the 
United  States,  hearing  the  whisperings  of  a  projected  American 

1  The  conference  was  held  October  9th. 

2  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI.  201. 
^  This  paper  is  printed  post,  p.  34. 


16 

union  with  itself  at  the  head,  an  Alliance  that  did  not  arrogate 
to  itself  the  epithet  of  Holy,  could  demand  that  the  European 
concert  justify  its  existence,  its  actions  and  its  motives  by  rec- 
ords other  than  the  bloody  scenes  at  Naples,  in  France,  and 
in  Spain.  Here  was  Adams's  opportunity.  It  was  no  longer 
Canning  who  was  to  be  answered ;  it  was  Europe,  —  and  he 
seized  it  as  only  a  masterful  man,  certain  of  his  ground,  can 
find  in  the  very  reasons  of  his  opponent  the  best  of  support  for 
his  own  position. 

Yet  Canning  must  be  answered.  The  draft  of  Adams's  note 
to  Rush  was  amended  by  the  President,  and  the  Secretary  pre- 
pared a  substitute  for  those  amendments.^  This  paper  was  as 
follows :  — 

Adams's  Draft.'^ 

N.  76  Richard  Rush,  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  U.  S. 
London. 

Department  of  State,  Washington,  29  November,  1823. 

Sir,  —Your  despatches  numbered  823,  325,  326,  330,  331,  332,  334, 
and  336  have  been  received,  containing  the  Reports  of  your  Conferences, 
and  copies  of  your  confidential  Correspondence  with  M""  Secretary  Can- 
ning, in  relation  to  certain  proposals  made  by  him  tending  to  a  concert 
of  principles,  with  reference  to  the  Affairs  of  South  America,  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  and  a  combined  and  candid  mani- 
festation of  them  to  the  World. 

The  whole  subject  has  Ibeenl  received  the  deliberate  consideration  of 
the  President,  under  a  deep  impression  of  its  general  importance,  a  full 
conviction  of  the  high  interests  and  sacred  principles  involved  in  it,  and 
an  anxious  solicitude  for  the  cultivation  of  that  harmony  of  opinions,  and 
unity  of  object  between  the  British  and  American  Nations,  upon  which 
so  much  of  the  Peace,  and  Happiness,  and  Liberty  of  the  world  obviously 
depend. 

1  am  directed  to  express  to  you  the  President's  entire  approbation 
of  the  course  which  you  have  pursued,  in  referring  to  your  Govern- 

1  James  Monroe  to  John  Quincy  Adams. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  send  you  the  sketch  wi}  you  left  with  me,  of  a  letter  to  Mi:  Rush, 
with  amendments,  which  are  intended  for  your  consideration,  and  which  If  you 
approve,  I  wish,  when  a  copy  is  made,  that  we  submit  to  a  meeting  of  all  the 
members  of  the  adm" 

If  you  see  any  objection  to  these  amendments,  we  will  confer  on  the  subject. 

The  other  sketches  I  will  return  as  soon  as  I  maybe  able.  J.  M. 

Nov  20.  23.  —  From  the  Adams  MSS. 

2  What  is  enclosed  in  brackets  of  both  Adams's  and  Monroe's  papers  was 
omitted  in  the  final  form  of  this  despatch. 


17 

ment  the  proposals  contained  in  M'  Canning's  private  and  confidential 
Letter  to  you  of  20  August.  And  I  am  now  to  signify  to  you  the  de- 
termination of  the  President  concerning  them.  A  determination  which 
he  wishes  to  be  at  once  candid,  explicit,  and  conciliatory,  and  which 
being  formed,  by  referring  each  of  the  proposals  to  the  single  and  un- 
varying Standard  of  Right  and  Wrong,  as  understood  by  us  and  main- 
tained by  us,  will  present  to  the  British  Government,  the  whole  system 
of  opinions  and  of  purposes  of  the  American  Government,  with  regard 
to  South  America. 

The  first  of  the  principles  of  the  British  Government,  as  set  forth  by 
M'  Canning  is 

1 .  We  conceive  the  recovery  of  the  Colonies  by  Spain  to  be  hopeless. 
In  this  we  concur. 

The  second  is 

2.  We  conceive  the  question  of  the  Recognition  of  them  as  Indepen- 
dent States,  to  be  one  of  time  and  circumstances. 

We  did  so  conceive  it,  until  with  a  due  regard  to  all  the  rights  of 
Spain,  and  with  a  due  sense  of  our  responsibility  to  the  judgment  of 
mankind  and  of  posterity,  we  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  re- 
covery of  them  by  Spain  ivas  hopeless.  Having  arrived  at  that  'Conclu- 
sion,  we  considered  that  the  People  of  those  emancipated  Colonies,  were 
of  Right,  Independent  of  all  other  Nations,  and  that  it  was  our  duty  so 
to  acknowledge  them.  We  did  so  acknowledge  them  in  March  1822. 
From  which  Time,  the  recognition  has  no  longer  been  a  question  to  us. 
We  are  aware  of  considerations  just  and  proper  in  themselves  which 
might  deter  Great  Britain  from  fixing  upon  the  same  Time,  for  this 
recognition,  with  us ;  but  we  wish  to  press  it  earnestly  upon  her  con- 
sideration, whether,  after  having  settled  the  point  that  the  recovery  of 
the  Colonies  by  Spain  was  hopeless  —  and  after  maintaining  at  the 
Cannon's  mouth,  commercial  Relations  with  them,  incompatible  with 
their  Colonial  Condition  while  subject  to  Spain,  the  moral  obligation 
does  not  necessarily  result  of  recognizing  them  as  Independent  States. 

"  3.  We  are  however  by  no  means  disposed  to  throw  any  impedi- 
ment in  the  way  of  an  arrangement  between  them  and  the  mother 
Country,  by  amicable  Negotiation.^^ 

Nor  are  we.  Recognizing  them  as  Independent  States  we  acknowl- 
edge them  as  possessing  full  power,  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  con- 
tract alliances,  establish  commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things, 
which  Independent  States  may  of  right  do.  Among  these  an  arrange- 
ment between  them  and  Spain,  by  amicable  negotiation  is  one,  which 
far  from  being  disposed  to  impede,  we  would  earnestly  desire,  and  by 
every  proper  means  in  our  power  endeavour  to  promote  provided  it 
should  be  founded  on  the  basis  of  Independence.^     But  recognizing 

1  This  phrase  is  taken  from  Monroe's  amendments. 
3 


18 

them  as  Independent  States,  we  do  and  shall  justly  and  ^provided  their 
accommodation  with  8pain  he  founded  on  that  basis']  necessarily  claim 
in  our  relations  with  them  political  and  commercial  to  be  placed  upon  a 
footing  of  equal  favour  with  the  most  favoured  Nation. 

"  4.    We  aim  not  at  the  possession  of  any  portion  of  them  ourselves.' ' 

"  5.  We  could  not  see  any  portion  of  them  transferred  to  any  other 
Power,  with  indifference." 

In  both  these  positions  we  fully  concur  —  And  we  add 

That  we  could  not  see  with  indifference  any  attempt  [by  one  or  more 
powers  of  Europe  to  dispose  of  the  Freedom  or  Independence  of  those 
States,  without  their  consent,  or  against  their  will.l 

CTo  this  principle,  in  our  view  of  this  subject  all  the  rest  are  subor- 
dinate. Without  this,  our  concurrence  with  Great-Britain  upon  all  the 
rest  would  be  useless.]  It  is  upon  this  ground  alone  as  we  conceive 
that  a  firm  and  determined  stand  could  now  be  jointly  taken  by  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  in  behalf  of  the  Independence  of  Nations, 
and  never  in  the  History  of  Mankind  was  there  a  period  when  a  stand 
so  taken  and  maintained,  would  exhibit  to  present  and  future  ages  a 
more  glorious  example  of  Power,  animated  by  Justice  and  devoted  to 
the  ends  of  beneficence. 

[With  the  addition  of  this  principle,  if  assented  to  by  the  British 
Government,  you  are  authorised  to  join  in  any  act  formal  or  informal, 
which  shall  manifest  the  concurrence  of  the  two  Governments  on  this 
momentous  occasion.  But  you  will  explicitly  state  that  without  this 
basis  of  Right  and  moral  obligation,  we  can  see  no  foundation  upon 
which  the  concurrent  action  of  the  two  Governments  can  be  harmonized. 
If  the  destinies  of  South  America,  are  to  be  trucked  and  bartered  be- 
tween Spain  and  her  European  Allies,  by  amicable  negotiation,  or  other- 
wise, without  consulting  the  feelings  or  the  rights  of  the  People  who 
inhabit  that  portion  of  our  Hemisphere.] 

[The  ground  of  Resistance  which  we  would  oppose  to  any  interfer- 
ence of  the  European  Allies,  between  Spain  and  South  America,  is  not 
founded  on  any  partial  interest  of  our  own  or  of  others.  If  the  Colonies 
belonged  to  Spain  we  should  object  to  any  transfer  of  them  to  other 
Nations,  which  would  materially  affect  our  interests  or  rights,  but  with 
that  exception  we  should  consider  Spain  as  possessing  the  common 
Power  of  disposing  of  her  own  Territories.  Our  present  opposition  to 
the  disposal  of  any  part  of  the  American  Continents  by  Spain,  with  her 
European  allies,  is  that  they  do  not  belong  to  Spain,  and  can  no  more  be 
disposed  of  by  her,  than  by  the  United  States. 

With  regard  to  the  Islands  of  Cuba  and  Porto-Rico,  to  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  which  the  free  Constitution  of  Spain,  as  accepted  and  sworn  to 
by  the  King  has  been  extended,  we  consider  them  as  possessing  the 
right  of  determining  for  themselves  their  course  of  conduct,  under  the 


19 

subversion  of  that  Constitution,  by  foreign  Military  power.  Our  own 
interest  and  wish  would  be  that  they  should  continue  in  their  political 
connection  with  Spain  under  the  administration  of  a  free  Constitution, 
and  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  Liberties  as  now  possessed;  we  could  not 
see  them  transferred  to  any  other  Power,  or  subjected  to  the  antient  and 
exploded  dominion  of  Spain,  with  indifference.  We  aim  not  at  the  pos- 
session of  them  ourselves.] 

I  am  with  great  Respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obed*  Serv* 

Monroe's  Amendments. 

amendment  proposed  to  first  line,  S^  pa : 

["  provided  their  accomodation  with  Spain  was  be  founded  on  that 
basis."] 

substitute  the  following  after  attempt  in  6'^  line. 

"  any  attempt  by  one  or  more  powers  of  Europe,  to  restore  those  new 
States,  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  or  to  deprive  them,  in  any  manner  what- 
ever, of  the  freedom  and  independence  which  they  have  acquired, 
iMuch  less  could  we  behold  with  indifference  the  trayisfer  of  those  new 
gov^%  or  of  any  portion  of  the  Spanish  possessions,  to  other  powers, 
especially  of  the  territories,  bordering  on,  or  nearest  to  the  UStatesP\ 

omit  in  next  parg^'  the  passage  marked  &  substitute  the  following  — 

"with  a  view  to  this  object,  it  is  indispensable  that  the  British  gov* 
take  like  ground,  with  that  which  is  now  held  by  the  UStates,  —  that 
it  recognize  the  independance  of  the  new  gov*!  —  That  measure  being 
taken,  we  may  then  harmonize,  in  all  the  [necessary]  arrangements  and 
acts,  which  may  be  necessary  for  its  accomplishment."  [the  object.]  It 
is  upon  this  ground  alone,  &ca  [to  the  end  of  the  parag*".] 

omit  the  residue  &  substitute  something  like  the  following  — 

C^'  We  have  no  intention  of  acquiring  any  portion  of  the  Spanish 
possessions  for  ourselves,  nor  shall  we  ever  do  it  by  force.  Cuba  is 
that  portion,  the  admission  of  which  into  our  union,  would  be  the  most 
eligible,  but  it  is  the  wish  of  this  gov*,  that  it  remain,  at  least  for  the 
present,  attached  to  Spain.  We  have  declard  this  sentiment  publickly. 
&  shall  continue  to  act  on  it.  It  could  not  be  admitted  into  our  union, 
unless  it  should  first  declare  its  independance,  &  that  independance 
should  be  acknowledged  by  Spain,  events  which  may  not  occur  for  a 
great  length  of  time,  and  which  the  UStates  will  rather  discourage  than 
promote.] 

On  this  basis,  this  gov  *  is  willing  to  move  in  concert  with  G.  Britain, 
for  the  purposes  specified. 

[with  a  view  however  to  that  object,  it  [is  submitted']  merits  consid- 
eration, whether  it  will  not  [6e  most  advantageous  to~\  contribute  most 
effectually,  to  its  accomplishment,  a  perfect  understanding  being  estab- 
lished between  the  two  gov*-,  that  they  act  for  the  present,  &  until  some 


20 

eminent  danger  should  occur,  separately,  each  making  such  represen- 
tation to  the  allied  powers,  or  to  either  of  them  as  shall  be  deemd  most 
adviseable.  Since  the  receipt  of  your  letters,  a  communication  has  been 
made  by  Baron  T.  the  Russian  minister  here,  to  the  following  effect, 
[then  state  his  letter  respecting  minister  &ca,  &  also  the  informal  com- 
munication. State  also  the  instructions  given  to  M-  Middleton,  & 
the  purport  of  those,  which  will  be  given  to  the  minister  at  Paris.]  On 
this  subject,  it  will  be  proper  for  you  to  communicate  freely  with  Mr 
Canning,  as  to  ascertain  fully  the  sentiments  of  his  gov*  He  will 
doubtless  be  explicit,  as  to  the  danger  of  any  movement  of  the  allied 
powers,  or  of  any,  or  either  of  them,  for  the  subjugation,  or  transfer  of 
any  portion  of  the  territory  in  question,  from  Spain,  to  any  other  power. 
If  there  be  no  such  danger,  there  will  be  no  motive  for  such  concert, 
and  it  is  only  on  satisfactory  proof  of  that  danger,  that  you  are  author- 
ized to  provide  for  it.] 

Adams's  Substitute. 

We  believe  however  that  for  the  most  effectual  [object]  accomplish- 
ment of  the  object  common  to  both  Governments,  a  perfect  understanding 
with  regard  to  it  being  established  between  them,  it  will  be  most  advis- 
able that  they  should  act  separately  each  making  such  Representation  to 
the  Continental  European  Allies  or  either  of  them,  as  circumstances  may 
render  proper,  and  mutually  communicating  to  each  other  the  purport 
of  such  Representations,  and  all  information  respecting  the  measures  and 
purposes  of  the  Allies,  the  knowledge  of  which  may  enlighten  the  Coun- 
cils of  Great-Britain  and  of  the  United  States,  in  this  course  of  policy 
and  towards  the  honourable  end  which  will  be  common  to  them  both. 
Should  an  emergency  occur  in  which  a  joint  manifestation  of  opinion  by 
the  two  Governments,  may  tend  to  influence  the  Councils  of  the  Euro- 
pean Allies,  either  in  the  aspect  of  persuasion  or  of  admonition,  you 
will  make  it  known  to  us  without  delay,  and  we  shall  according  to  the 
principles  of  our  Government  and  in  the  forms  prescribed  by  our  Con- 
stitution, cheerfully  join  in  any  act,  by  which  we  may  contribute  to  sup- 
port the  cause  of  human  freedom  and  the  Independence  of  the  South 
American  Nations. 

On  November  21st  these  papers  were  examined  in  Cabinet 
meeting.  Canning  had  said  that  Great  Britain  would  not 
throw  any  impediment  in  the  way  of  an  arrangement  between 
the  colonies  and  mother  country,  by  amicable  negotiation. 
He  would  not  object  to  the  colonies,  under  that  method,  grant- 
ing to  Spain  commercial  privileges  greater  than  those  given 
to  other  nations.  This  did  not  meet  the  wishes  of  Adams,  who 
desired  for  the  United  States  the  footing  of  the  most  favored 


21 

nation.  The  President  did  not  understand  the  full  meaning 
of  this  wish,  and  proposed  a  modifying  amendment,  "  which 
seemed  to  admit  that  we  should  not  object  to  an  arrangement 
by  which  special  favors,  or  even  a  restoration  of  authority, 
might  be  conceded  to  Spain."  This  was  to  accept  Canning's 
position  to  the  full,  aha  perhaps  even  went  further,  for  the 
restoration  of  Spanish  authority  could  hardly  have  occurred  to 
a  man  who  started  from  the  belief  that  the  recovery  of  the  Col- 
onies by  Spain  was  hopeless.  Both  Calhoun  and  Adams  stren-*" 
uously  objected.  "  The  President  ultimately  acceded  to  the 
substance  of  the  phrase  as  I  had  in  the  first  instance  made  the 
draft ;  but  finally  required  that  the  phraseology  of  it  should 
be  varied.  Almost  all  the  other  am^dments  proposed  by  the 
President  were  opposed  principally  by  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  most 
explicitly  preferred  my  last  substituted  paragraph  to  the  Presi- 
dent's projected  amendment.  The  President  did  not  insist 
upon  any  of  his  amendments  which  were  not  admitted  by  gen- 
eral consent,  and  the  final  paper,  though  considerably  varied 
from  my  original  draft,  will  be  conformable  to  my  own  views."  ^ 
A  supplementary  despatch  intended  for  Rush  is  now  printed 
for  the  first  time. 

No.  77.    Richard  Rush  :    Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
U.  S.  London. 

Department  of  State  Washington  30  November,  1823. 

Sir,  —  The  Instructions  contained  in  my  Letter  dated  yesterday  were 
given  with  a  view  to  enable  you  to  return  an  explicit  answer  to  the  pro- 
posals contained  in  Mr.  Secretary  Canning's  confidential  Letter  to  you 
of  the  20*^  of  August  last.  The  object  of  this  despatch  is  to  communi- 
cate to  you  the  views  of  the  President  with  regard  to  a  more  general 
consideration  of  the  affairs  of  South  America ;  to  serve  for  your  gov- 
ernment, and  to  be  used  according  to  your  discretion,  in  any  further 
intercourse  which  you  may  have  with  the  British  Cabinet  on  this 
subject. 

In  reviewing  the  proposals  of  Mr.  Canning  and  the  discussion  of 
them  in  your  Correspondence  and  Conferences,  the  President  has  with 
great  satisfaction  adverted  to  them,  in  the  light  of  an  overture  from  the 
British  Government,  towards  a  confidential  concert  of  opinions  and  of 
operations  between  us  and  them,  with  reference  to  the  countries  here- 
tofore subject  to  Spain  in  this  Hemisphere.  In  the  exposition  of  the 
principles  of  the  British  Government,  as  expressed  in  the  five  positions 
of  Mr.  Canning's  Letter,  we  perceive  nothing,  with  which  we  cannot 

1  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI.  193. 


^ 


A 


22 

cheerfully  concur  with  the  exception  of  that  which  still  considers  the 
recognition  of  the  Independence  of  the  Southern  Nations,  as  a  question 
of  Time  and  Circumstances.  Confident  as  we  are  that  the  Time  is  at 
hand,  when  Great  Britain,  to  preserve  her  own  consistency  must  come 
to  this  acknowledgment,  we  are  aware  that  she  may  perhaps  be  desirous 
of  reserving  to  herself  the  whole  merit  of  it  with  the  South-Americans, 
and  that  she  may  finally  yield  more  readily  to  the  decisive  act  of  recog- 
nition, when  appearing  to  be  spontaneous,  than  when  urged  upon  her  by 
any  foreign  suggestion.  The  point  itself  has  been  so  earnestly  pressed 
in  your  correspondence  and  conferences  with  Mr.  Canning,  and  is  so 
explicitly  stated  in  my  despatch  of  yesterday  as  indispensable,  in  our 
view  towards  a  co-operation  of  the  two  Governments,  upon  this  impor- 
tant interest,  that  the  President  does  not  think  it  necessary  that  you 
should  dwell  upon  it  with  much  solicitude.  The  objections  exhibited 
by  Mr.  Canning  against  the  measure  as  stated  particularly  in  your 
despatches  are  so  feeble,  and  your  answers  to  them  so  conclusive, 
that  after  the  distinct  avowal  of  our  sentiments,  it  may  perhaps  best 
conduce  to  the  ultimate  entire  coincidence  of  purposes  between  the  two 
Governments  to  leave  the  choice  of  Time  for  the  recognition,  which 
Mr.  Canning  has  reserved  to  the  exclusive  consideration  of  the  British 
Ministers  themselves. 

We  receive  the  proposals  themselves,  and  all  that  has  hitherto  passed 
concerning  them,  according  to  the  request  of  Mr.  Canning  as  confidential. 
As  a  first  advance  of  that  character,  which  has  ever  been  made  by  the 
British  Government,  in  relation  to  the  foreign  affairs  between  the  two 
Nations,  we  would  meet  it  with  cordiality,  and  with  the  true  spirit  of 
confidence,  which  is  candour.  The  observations  of  Mr.  Canning  in 
reply  to  your  remark,  that  the  policy  of  the  United  States  has  hitherto 
been,  entirely  distinct  and  separate  from  all  interference  in  the  compli- 
cations of  European  Politics,  have  great  weight,  and  the  considerations 
involved  in  them,  had  already  been  subjects  of  much  deliberation  among 
ourselves.  As  a  member  of  the  European  community  Great  Britain 
has  relations  with  all  the  other  Powers  of  Europe,  which  the  United 
States  have  not,  and  with  which  it  is  their  unaltered  determination,  not 
to  interfere.  But  American  Affairs,  whether  of  the  Northern  or  of  the 
Southern  Continent  can  henceforth  not  be  excluded  from  the  interfer- 
ence of  the  United  States.  All  questions  of  policy  relating  to  them 
have  a  bearing  so  direct  upon  the  Rights  and  Interests  of  the  United 
States  themselves,  that  they  cannot  be  left  at  the  disposal  of  European 
Powers  animated  and  directed  exclusively  by  European  principles  and 
interests.  Aware  of  the  deep  importance  of  united  ends  and  councils, 
with  those  of  Great  Britain  in  this  emergency,  we  see  no  possible  basis 
on  which  that  harmonious  concert  of  measures  can  be  founded,  other 
than  the  general  principle  of  South- American  Independence.     So  long 


23 

as  Great  Britaia -.withholds  the  recognition  of  that,  we  may,  as  we  cer- 
tainly do  concur  with  her  in  the  aversion  to  the  transfer  to  any  other 
power  of  any  of  the  colonies  in  this  Hemisphere,  heretofore,  or  yet 
belonging  to  Spain ;  but  the  principles  of  that  aversion,  so  far  as  they 
are  common  to  both  parties,  resting  only  upon  a  casual  coincidence  of 
interests,  in  a  National  point  of  view  selfish  on  both  sides,  would  be 
liable  to  dissolution  by  every  change  of  phase  in  the  aspects  of  Euro- 
pean Politics.  So  that  Great  Britain  negotiating  at  once  with  the 
European  Alliance,  and  ivith  us,  concerning  America,  without  being 
bound  by  any  permanent  community  of  principle,  [but  only  by  a  casual 
coincidence  of  interest  with  us/]  would  still  be  free  to  accommodate  her 
policy  to  any  of  those  distributions  of  power,  and  partitions  of  Territory 
which  have  for  the  last  half  century  been  the  ultima  ratio  of  all  Euro- 
pean political  arrangements.  While  we,  bound  to  her  by  engagements, 
commensurate  only  with  the  momentary  community  of  our  separate 
particular  interests,  and  self-excluded  from  all  Negotiation  with  the 
European  Alliance,  should  still  be  liable  to  see  European  Sovereigns 
dispose  of  American  Interests,  without  consulting  either  with  us,  or 
with  any  of  the  American  Nations,  over  whose  destinies  they  would  thus 
assume  an  arbitrary  superintendence  and  controul. 

It  was  stated  to  you  by  Mr.  Canning  that  in  the  event  of  a  proposal 
for  a  European  Congress,  to  determine  upon  measures  relating  to  South 
America,  he  should  propose,  that  you,  as  the  Representative  of  the 
United  States,  should  be  invited  to  attend  at  the  same  ;  and  that  in  the 
case,  either  of  a  refusal  to  give  you  that  invitation  or  of  your  declining 
to  accept  it  if  given.  Great  Britain  would  reserve  to  herself  the  right  of 
declining  also  to  attend.  The  President  approves  your  determination 
not  to  attend,  in  case  the  invitation  should  be  given  ;  and  we  are  not 
aware  of  any  circumstances  under  which  we  should  deem  it  expedient 
that  a  Minister  of  the  United  States  should  be  authorized  to  attend 
at  such  a  Congress  if  the  invitation  to  that  effect  should  be  addressed 
to  this  Government  itself.  We  should  certainly  decline  attending 
unless  the  South- American  Governments  should  also  be  invited  to 
attend  by  their  Representatives,  and  as  the  Representatives  of  Inde- 
pendent Nations.  We,  would  not  sanction  by  our  presence  any  meet- 
ing of  European  Potentates  to  dispose  of  American  Republics.  We 
shall  if  such  meeting  should  take  place,  with  a  view  to  any  result  of 
hostile  action  solemnly  protest  against  it,  and  against  all  the  melancholy 
and  calamitous  consequences  which  may  result  from  it.  We  earnestly 
hope  that  Great  Britain  will  do  the  same. 

It  has  been  observed  that  through  the  whole  course  of  the  Corre- 
spondence and  of  the  Conferences,  between  Mr.  Canning  and  you,  he 

1  The  words  enclosed  have  been  struck  out  in  pencil,  as  evidently  a  repetition 
of  what  had  been  already  expressed. 


4- 


24 

did  not  disclose  the  specific  information  upon  which  he  apprehended  so 
immediate  an  interposition  of  the  European  Allies,  in  the  affairs  of 
South-America,  as  would  have  warranted  or  required  the  measure 
which  he  proposed  to  be  taken  in  concert  with  you,  before  this  Gov- 
ernment could  be  advised  of  it.  And  this  remark  has  drawn  the 
more  attention,  upon  observing  the  apparent  coolness  and  apparent 
indifference,  with  which  he  treated  the  subject  at  your  last  conferences 
after  the  peculiar  earnestness  and  solemnity  of  his  first  advances.  It 
would  have  been  more  satisfactory  here,  and  would  have  afforded  more 
distinct  light  for  deliberation,  if  the  confidence  in  which  his  proposals 
originated  had  at  once  been  entire.  This  suggestion  is  now  made  with 
a  view  to  the  future ;  and  to  manifest  the  disposition  on  our  part  to  meet 
and  return  confidence  without  reserve. 

The  circumstances  of  Mr.  Gallatin's  private  concerns  having  induced 
him  to  decline  returning  to  Europe  at  this  time,  and  the  posture  of 
Affairs  requiring  in  the  opinion  of  the  President  the  immediate  renewal 
of  Negotiations  with  France,  Mr.  James  Brown  has  been  appointed  to 
that  Mission,  and  is  expected  very  shortly  to  proceed  upon  it. 
I  am  with  great  Respect  &c. 

[John  Quinct  Adams.]^ 

It  was  at  the  same  cabinet  meeting  of  November  21  that 
Adams  outlined  his  intended  reply  to  the  later  communica- 
tions received  from  Baron  Tujll,  a  paper  to  be  first  communi- 
cated verbally  and  afterwards  delivered  to  him  confidentially. 
"  My  purpose  would  be  in  a  moderate  and  conciliatory  manner, 
but  with  a  firm  and  determined  spirit,  to  declare  our  dissent 
from  the  principles  avowed  in  those  communications;  to  assert 
those  upon  which  our  own  Government  is  founded,  and,  while 
disclaiming  all  intention  of  attempting  to  propagate  them  hy 
force,  and  all  interference  with  the  political  affairs  of  Europe, 
to  declare  our  expectation  and  hope  that  the  European  powers 
will  equally  abstain  from  the  attempt  to  spread  their  principles 
in  the  American  hemisphere,  or  to  subjugate  by  force  any  part 
of  these  continents  to  their  wilL"  ^ 

While  the  President  approved  this  idea,  his  first  draft  of  his 
message  showed  he  had  not  comprehended  the  general  drift  of 
the  Secretary's  intentions  in  the  conduct  of  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  the  United  States.  In  calling  the  Cabinet  meeting  for 
the  21st  he  had  included  among  the  questions  to  be  considered 
"  whether  any,  &  if  any,  what  notice,  shall  be  taken  of  Greece, 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 

2  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI.  194. 


25 

&  also  of  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  France."  ^  Accordingly  his 
draft  alluded  to  recent  events  in  Spain  and  Portugal,  "  speak- 
ing in  terms  of  the  most  pointed  reprobation  of  the  late  inva- 
sion of  Spain  by  France,  and  of  the  principles  upon  which  it 
was  undertaken  by  the  open  avowal  of  the  King  of  France. 
It  also  contained  a  broad  acknowledgment  of  the  Greeks  as  an 
independent  nation."  ^  Where  was  the  future  Monroe  doc- 
trine in  all  this  ?  It  was,  as  Adams  said,  a  call  to  arms  against 
all  Europe,  and  for  objects  of  policy  exclusively  European  — 
Greece  and  Spain.  Protest  only  led  the  President  to  promise 
to  draw  up  two  sketches  for  consideration,  conformable  to  the 
two  different  aspects  of  the  subject.  Nothing  could  better 
prove  how  the  essential  part  of  Adams's  views  had  escaped 
Monroe's  attention.  On  the  next  day  the  Secretary  again 
urged  Monroe  to  abstain  from  everything  in  his  message  which 
the  Holy  Alliance  could  make  a  pretext  for  construing  into 
aggression  upon  them.  He  should  end  his  administration  — 
"  hereafter  to  be  looked  back  to  as  the  golden  age  of  this  re- 
public"—  in  peace.  If  the  Holy  Alliance  were  determined 
to  make  up  an  issue  with  the  United  States,  "  it  was  our  pol- 
icy to  meet  it,  and  not  to  make  it.  .  .  .  If  they  intend  now  to 
interpose  by  force,  we  shall  have  as  much  as  we  can  do  to  pre- 
vent them,  without  going  to  bid  them  defiance  in  the  heart  of 
Europe."  ^  And  Adams  again  stated  the  heart  of  his  desired 
policy  in  unmistakable  words :  "  The  ground  that  I  wish  to  take 
is  that  of  earnest  remonstrance  against  the  interference  of  the 
European  powers  by  force  with  South  America,  but  to  dis- 
claim all  interference  on  our  part  with  Europe ;  to  make  an 
American  cause  and  adhere  inflexibly  to  that."  In  Gallatin 
Adams  found  a  congenial  spirit  on  every  point  save  that  of  the 
Greeks  ;  and  Gallatin  talked  with  Monroe.     The  result  of  the 

1  James  Monroe  to  John  Quincy  Adams. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  given  notice  to  the  other  members  of  the  adm^,  who  are 
present,  to  meet  here  at  one  o  clock,  at  which  time  you  will  bring  over  the  draught 
of  the  instruction  to  Mr,  Rush  for  consideration.  I  mean  to  bring  under  con 
sideration,  at  the  same  time,  the  important  question,  whether  any,  &  if  any, 
what  notice,  shall  be  taken  of  Greece,  &  also  of  the  invasion  of  Spain  by  France. 
With  a  view  to  the  latter  object,  be  so  good  as  to  bring  over  with  you,  a  copy  of 
the  King's  Speech,  to  the  legislative  corps,  announcing  the  intended  invasion. 

.    /     ,,  J.  M. 

Nov' 21. 1823.  7         .^.1  —  Adams  MSS. 

2  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI.  194.         ^  8  md,  197. 

4 


26 

urgency  of  these  two  men  was  that  the  President  modified  his 
paragraphs  on  foreign  affairs,  and  made  them  conformable  to 
the  spirit  of  Adams's  position. 
""The  evidence  given  in  these  pages  all  tends  to  show  that  it 
was  Adams  alone  who  gave  tone  to  the  discussions  in  Cabinet 
on  the  Canning  propositions,  and  it  was  due  to  his  efforts  that 
the  question  passed  from  that  of  a  combination,  more  or  less 
defined,  with  Great  Britain  for  her  own  interested  views  and 
aims,  to  that  of  a  general  and  independent  policy,  distinctly 
American,  and  broad  enough  to  bear  the  heavy  burdens  laid 
upon  it  since.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  manuscript  of  Monroe's 
message  of  1823  is  in  existence ;  nor  is  it  likely  that  it  would 
show  the  paragraphs  announcing  the  Monroe  doctrine  to  be  in 
Adams's  writing.  Yet  it  was  certainly  Adams  and  not  Mon- 
roe who  spoke  in  those  paragraphs. 

I  have  stated  there  is  no  entry  in  the  diary  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  from  September  11  to  November  7,  1823.  From  the 
Adams  manuscripts  I  take  a  paper  prepared  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  for  submission  to  the  President,  giving  an  account  of 
his  conversations  with  Baron  Tuyll,  the  Minister  of  Russia 
in  the  United  States.  This  paper  is  of  special  value  because 
it  supplies  what  the  Diary  does  not  give,  —  the  preliminar}'- 
stages  of  the  intercourse.  The  various  papers  mentioned  in 
this  account  are  also  given,  because  they  are  essential  to  a 
complete  understanding  of  the  scope  of  Adams's  reply. 

Adams's  Account  of  his  Communications  with  Baron  Tuyll. 

On  the  16*-^  of  October  1823.  the  Baron  de  Tuyll,  the  Russian  Min- 
ister, at  an  interview  with  me  at  the  Office  of  the  Department  of  State 
informed  me  that  the  Emperor  of  Russia  having  learnt  that  General 
Devereux  had  been  appointed  as  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the 
Government  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia  to  reside  at  his  Court,  had 
determined  not  to  receive  him  in  that  capacity  :  nor  to  receive  any 
agent  from  any  of  the  Governments  recently  formed  in  the  new  world 
—  and  that  he,  Baron  Tuyll  was  instructed  to  make  this  determination 
of  his  Imperial  Majesty  known,  so  that  there  might  no  doubt  be  enter- 
tained in  that  respect  with  regard  to  his  intentions.  That  he  had  not 
been  instructed  to  make  an  official  communication  of  this  fact  to  the 
American  Government ;  but  that,  as  he  considered  such  a  communica- 
tion the  most  effectual  means  of  making  it  known  to  them,  and  thereby 
of  fulfilling  the  intentions  of  his  sovereign  as  indicated  in  his  instruc- 
tions he  should  address  to  me  an  official  Note  to  that  effect. 


27 

The  Baron  added  that  by  two  several  Instructions  of  prior  dates,  in 
June  and  December  1822,  he  had  been  informed  of  the  satisfaction  with 
which  the  Emperor  had  observed  that  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  when  recognizing  the  Independence  of  the  South  American 
States,  had  declared  that  it  was  not  their  intention  to  deviate  from  the 
neutrality  which  they  had  until  then  observd,  in  the  contests  between 
Spain  and  her  American  Colonies ;  and  that  it  was  the  wish  and  hope 
of  the  Emperor,  that  the  United  States  should  persevere  in  that  course 
of  neutrality.  The  Baron  added  that  he  had  not  thought  it  necessary 
to  communicate  officially  the  purport  of  these  Instructions,  and  that  he 
should  not  refer  to  them  in  the  Note  which  he  now  proposed  to  transmit 
to  the  Department  of  State ;  but  having  concluded  to  give  in  the  form 
of  a  Note  the  information  of  the  Emperor's  determination  with  regard 
to  the  Mission  of  General  Devereux,  he  had  thought  the  occasion  a 
proper  one  for  making  a  verbal  communication  of  the  purport  of  his 
prior  Instructions. 

I  observed  to  the  Baron  de  Tuyll,  that  upon  the  President's  return 
from  Virginia,  which  was  expected  in  a  very  few  days,  I  would  lay 
before  him,  as  well  the  Note,  which  I  should  in  the  meantime  receive 
from  the  Baron,  as  the  purport  of  the  oral  communication  which  he 
then  made  to  me.  That  I  should  probably  be  instructed  to  return  a 
written  answer  to  his  Note,  and  that  I  should  also  be  directed  what  to 
say  in  answer  to  his  verbal  remarks.  That  the  Declaration  of  the 
American  Government  when  they  recognized  the  Southern  American 
Nations,  that  they  would  persevere  in  the  neutrality  till  then  observed 
between  Spain  and  her  emancipated  Colonies,  had  been  made  under  the 
observance  of  a  like  neutrality  by  all  the  European  Powers  to  the  same 
contest.  That  so  long  as  that  state  of  things  should  continue,  I  could 
take  upon  me  to  assure  the  Baron,  that  the  United  States  would  not 
depart  from  the  neutrality  so  declared  by  them.  But  that  if  one  or 
more  of  the  European  powers  should  depart  from  their  neutrality,  that 
change  of  circumstances  would  necessarily  become  a  subject  of  further 
deliberation  in  this  Government,  the  result  of  which  it  was  not  in  my 
power  to  foretell. 

On  the  same  day  I  received  from  the  Baron  de  Tuyll  the  Note,  copy 
of  which  marked  1  is  herewith  enclosed.^ 

the  21'.'  of  October,  the  Baron  again  called  at  the  Office  of  the 
department  of  State,  and  read  to  me  the  draught  of  a  despatch  that  he 
had  prepared  giving  an  account  to  his  Government  of  the  purport  of 
the  conference  between  us  of  the  1 6^''.  He  said  that  being  desirous  of 
making  the  statement  with  perfect  accuracy,  he  submitted  this  draught 
to  me,  with  a  view  to  making  any  alteration  in  it,  which  I  might  think 
that,  to  the  accomplishment  of  that  object,  it  would  require.     I  ob- 

1  Printed  on  page  32,  post. 


1^ 


28 

served  that  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  quite  correct,  with  the  exception, 
that  in  the  statement  of  the  final  remarks  that  I  had  made  to  him,  he 
had  so  concentrated  the  substance  of  it,  as  to  give  to  it  a  tone  of  dryness 
in  the  manner,  which  had  not  been  intended  by  me.  That  he  was 
aware  the  conversation  between  us  had  been  in  manner  altogether 
friendly  and  confidential,  and  that  after  saying  to  him  that  I  should  re- 
port to  the  President  the  purport  of  his  communication  to  me,  and 
answer  it  according  to  the  directions  that  I  should  receive  from  him,  I 
had  added  that  I  could  at  once  take  it  upon  myself  to  assure  him,  that 
while  the  European  Powers  should  continue  to  observe  their  neutrality 
between  Spain  and  South  America,  the  United  States  would  not  depart 
from  theirs.  But  that  a  change  of  the  State  of  the  question,  by  for- 
eign and  European  interposition,  would  necessarily  give  rise  to  delib- 
eration here,  the  result  of  which  he  must  perceive  it  was  not  for  me 
to  foretell.  The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  Russia  had 
always  been  of  the  most  friendly  character,  and  I  knew  it  was  the 
earnest  wish  of  the  President  that  they  should  so  continue.  The  Per- 
sonal Relations  in  which  I  had  stood  for  several  years  with  the  Russian 
Government,  and  the  proof  of  Friendship  which  during  that  period  the 
Emperor  Alexander  had  repeatedly  given  to  the  United  States,  had  left 
on  my  mind,  an  indelible  impression  of  respect  for  his  character.  I 
should  regret  the  possible  inference  that  might  be  drawn  by  the  Im- 
perial Government,  from  the  compressed  substance  of  what  I  had  said 
to  him,  that  it  had  been  in  terms  as  short  and  dry,  as  it  appeared  in 
his  report.  He  said  that  he  immediately  saw  the  force  of  my  remark, 
and  would  alter  his  despatch  accordingly. 

On  the  24'!'  of  October  he  came  again  to  the  office,  and  read  to  me 
the  amended  draft  of  his  despatch,  to  the  general  correctness  of  which 
I  assented.  He  afterwards,  as  will  appear  furnished  me  with  a  copy 
of  it,  as  sent  to  his  Court,  dated  ^f  October  1823. 

At  this  conference  of  the  24*!"  of  October,  the  Baron  intimated  to  me 
a  wish,  that  the  substance  of  his  Note  of  the  -^  October,  might  be 
published,  in  the  form  of  an  Editorial  Article,  in  the  National  Intelli- 
gencer, or  that  an  article  which  he  should  prepare,  stating  the  fact  that 
such  communication  had  been  made  by  him  to  this  Government,  might 
be  inserted  by  his  direction,  not  as  official,  but  yet  as  from  an  authentic 
source.  He  said  that  his  motive  for  this  wish,  was  to  discharge  faith- 
fully his  duty  to  his  Government,  which  had  enjoined  him  not  to  suffer 
any  doubt  to  be  entertained  with  regard  to  the  Emperor's  intentions, 
on  the  subject  to  which  it  relates. 

I  observed  that  as  to  an  Editorial  paragraph  apparently  authoritative, 
stating  the  fact  of  his  written  communication,  it  would  doubtless  excite 
much  attention,  and  lead  to  the  enquiry  what  answer  had  been  given  to 
it.    That  I  should  send  him  an  answer,  which  I  supposed  would  be  of  a 


29 

nature,  not  to  require  a  reply,  and  that  the  correspondence  on  that  sub- 
ject would  terminate  with  it.  That  after  he  should  receive  the  answer, 
if  he  still  desired  that  the  whole  transaction  should  be  made  public,  I 
did  not  apprehend  there  would  be  any  objection  on  our  part  to  make  it 
so,  either  in  the  form  of  a  newspaper  paragraph,  or  by  the  publication 
of  the  two  Notes.  But  perhaps  the  most  suitable  manner  would  be 
that  they  should  be  communicated,  with  the  documents  accompanying 
the  President's  Message  to  Congress  at  their  approaching  Session. 

That  with  regard  to  a  publication  by  his  direction,  I  had  to  remark; 
that  from  the  perfect  freedom  of  the  Press  in  this  Country  foreign  Min- 
isters, if  they  chose  to  avail  themselves  of  it,  possessed  the  means  of 
operating  upon  the  public  mind,  in  a  manner  not  accessible  to  them  in 
countries  where  the  Press  was  under  the  controul  of  the  Government. 
Foreign  Ministers  in  the  United  States  had  often  so  availed  themselves 
of  it ;  but  never  with  any  success ;  and  always  with  a  result  of  disservice 
rather  than  of  service  to  their  own  Government.  We  considered  it  as  an 
improper  expedient  for  them  to  resort  to.  And  that  as  between  Nation 
and  Nation,  no  foreign  Minister  in  the  United  States,  could  with  pro- 
priety insert  in  the  public  prints,  any  thing  that  an  American  Minister 
in  his  Country  would  by  the  existing  state  of  the  Press  be  debarr'd  from 
publishing  there. 

That  in  the  present  case  if  he  should  publish  a  statement  of  the  com- 
munication made  by  him,  it  would  immediately  excite  the  enquiry  what 
answer  had  been  returned  to  it  by  this  Government.  An  enquiry  which 
upon  the  Meeting  of  Congress  could  not  fail  to  present  itself  in  the  form 
of  a  Resolution  in  one  or  the  other  House,  calling  upon  the  Executive 
for  information  concerning  it,  and  the  natural  answer  to  which  would 
be  the  communication  of  the  two  Notes.  But  in  the  meantime,  the 
first  publication  from  him  would  give  rise  to  animadversions  in  the 
public  Prints,  and  perhaps  in  Congress,  which  might  be  unacceptable 
both  to  him  and  to  his  Government,  and  the  character  of  which  would 
readily  occur  to  his  own  Reflections. 

He  said  he  believed  the  best  mode  of  giving  the  publicity  to  the 
whole  subject,  which  might  be  necessary  to  give  effect  to  the  views  of 
his  Government,  would  be  by  the  communication  of  the  papers  to  Con- 
gress, as  I  had  proposed.  But  if  it  was  agreeable  to  me,  he  would 
wait  to  receive  my  answer,  and  would  then  request  another  interview 
with  me,  at  which  he  would  candidly  state  to  me  his  definitive  wishes, 
with  regard  to  the  publication. 

Upon  the  President's  return  from  Virginia,  on  the  5*?  of  November, 
I  laid  before  him  the  Note  of  16  October  received  from  Baron  Tuyll, 
and  reported  to  him  the  substance  of  the  Conferences  between  the 
Baron  and  me  as  here  related.  After  a  consultation  with  the  Mem- 
bers of  the   Administration  then   in   Washington,  I  was  directed  by 


J 


30 

the  President  to  request  another  interview  with  the  Baron;  which 
accordingly  took  place  on  the  8*1" 

I  then  told  him  that  I  had  submitted  to  the  President  the  Note  from 
him  declaring  the  Emperor's  determination  not  to  receive  any  Minister 
or  Agent  from  any  of  the  South  American  States,  to  which  I  should 
shortly  send  him  an  answer :  that  I  had  also  reported  to  the  President 
the  substance  of  our  verbal  conferences  :  of  what  had  been  said  by  him, 
and  of  my  answers.  That  the  President  had  directed  me  to  say  that 
he  approved  of  my  answers  as  far  as  they  had  gone,  and  to  add  that  he 
received  the  observations  of  the  Russian  Government  relating  to  the 
neutrality  of  the  United  States  in  the  contest  between  Spain,  and  the 
Independent  States  of  South  America,  amicably ;  and  in  return  for 
them  wished  him  to  express  to  the  Court  the  hope  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  that  Russia  would  on  her  part  also  continue  to 
observe  the  same  neutrality.  After  some  conversation  the  Baron  desired 
me  to  repeat  what  I  had  said,  that  he  might  be  sure  of  perfectly  under- 
standing me :  which  I  did.  He  then  observed  that  he  should  immedi- 
ately prepare  a  dispatch  to  his  G-overnment,  relating  to  the  purport  of 
this  conversation,  and  (it  being  Saturday)  that  to  be  sure  of  its  accuracy 
he  would  send  it  to  my  house  the  next  day,  requesting  me  to  make  any 
observations  upon  it  that  I  should  think  advisable. 

At  this  conference,  upon  a  suggestion  from  the  President,  I  enquired 
of  the  Baron,  what  was  the  import  of  the  words  "political  principles," 
in  his  note  of  -^  October.  He  said  they  were  used  in  the  Instructions 
of  his  Government  to  him,  and  he  understood  them  as  having  reference 
to  the  right  of  Supremacy  of  Spain  over  her  Colonies  ;  and  that  this 
appeared  to  him  to  be  so  clearly  their  meaning  that  he  did  not  think  it 
would  be  necessary  for  him  to  ask  of  his  Government  an  explanation  of 
them.  The  Baron  reminded  me  of  my  observation  at  a  former  meeting 
that  my  answer  to  his  Note,  would  probably  not  be  of  a  nature  to  require  a 
reply :  and  of  my  engagement  to  refer  it  for  further  advisement,  whether 
and  how  the  correspondence  should  be  published.  I  told  him  I  remem- 
bered both,  and  still  believed  that  my  answer  to  his  note,  would  require 
no  reply,  but  that  of  that  he  would  himself  judge.  And  I  stated  to  him 
what  I  supposed  would  be  the  substance  of  my  answer;  upon  which  he 
made  no  remark.^ 

The  next  day,  9.  November,  he  sent  to  my  house  the  draft  of  his 
despatch,  which,  after  perusing  it  I  returned  to  him  with  a  private  and 

1  "  An  acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  his  note ;  a  statement  that  we  had 
received  and  sent  Ministers  and  Agents  in  our  intercourse  with  the  independent 
South  American  States,  and  should  continue  to  do  the  same  ;  regretting  that  the 
Emperor's  political  principles  had  not  yet  led  his  Government  to  the  same  con- 
clusion. I  saw  by  the  Baron's  countenance  that  he  was  not  a  little  affected  at 
this  statement.  He  took  leave  of  me,  however,  in  perfect  good  humor."  Memoirs 
of  John  Quincy  Adams,  YI.  182. 


31 

confidential  note,  containing  two  observations  relating  to  it.  The  first 
that  in  reporting  my  part  of  the  preceeding  day's  conversation  he  had 
used  the  expressions  of  contest  between  Spain  and  her  Colonies^  while 
I  had  then  and  in  all  our  conferences  spoken  of  them  as  the  Independ- 
ent American  States,  heretofore  Spanish  Colonies,  and  I  suggested  to  him 
the  propriety  of  making  the  report  of  what  was  said  by  me  conformable 
to  this  fact.  The  second,  that  as  the  despatch  concluded  by  stating  to 
his  Court,  that  before  making  it  up  he  had  for  the  sake  of  accuracy, 
submitted  it  to  my  inspection,  as  he  had  also  done  with  regard  to  the 
prior  despatch  of  ^^  October,  I  thought  it  necessary,  with  a  view  to 
the  certainty  of  equal  accuracy  in  my  reports  to  the  President  of  the 
contents  of  his  despatches,  to  request  copies  of  them  both.  The  next 
day  he  sent  me  confidentially  copies  of  both  —  the  latter  of  them  dated 
in^i^  1823,  and  amended  conformably  to  the  suggestion  in  my  con- 
fidential note  to  him  of  the  preceding  day.  Copies  of  these  papers 
marked  2  and  3  are  annexed. 

On  the  15"'  of  November,  the  answer,  copy  of  which  is  marked  N.  4. 
was  sent  to  the  Baron.  On  the  17*^  the  Baron  requested  another  inter- 
view with  me,  in  consequences  of  fresh  despatches  received  from  his 
Government.  I  received  him  on  the  same  day ;  when  he  read  to  me 
a  Letter  to  him  from  Count  Nesselrode,  dated  about  the  last  of  August, 
informing  him  of  the  intended  departure  of  the  Emperor  Alexander 
from  S^  Petersburg,  on  a  tour  of  inspection  of  his  armies,  which  would 
probably  occupy  about  three  months ;  with  assurances  that  no  move- 
ment of  hostility  was  contemplated  in  connection  with  this  Journey, 
but  that  the  preservation  of  general  Peace,  was  still  the  object  of  the 
Emperor's  earnest  solicitude. 

The  Baron  communicated  to  me  at  the  same  time,  extracts  from  two 
other  despatches  received  from  his  Court  —  one  dated  30  August  N.  S. 
containing  an  exposition  of  the  views  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  and 
of  his  Allies,  Austria,  Prussia  and  France  in  relation  to  the  Affairs  of 
Spain  and  Portugal  —  and  the  other  dated  1  September  N.  S.  replying 
to  despatches  received  from  the  Baron,  after  his  first  arrival  here,  and 
relating  particularly  to  the  Negotiation,  concerning  the  Northwest 
Coast  of  America,  and  the  Imperial  Ukaze  of  the  \^  September  1821. 
He  left  these  extracts  with  me,  to  be  submitted  in  confidence  to  the 
President,  and  with  permission  to  take  a  copy  of  that  of  the  30\''  of 
August.  He  declared  his  entire  satisfaction  with  my  answer  to  his 
note  of  -^  October.^ 

[Here  follows  an  account  of  the  conference  with  Baron 
Tuyll,  of  November  27th,  as  given  in  the  Memoirs,  vol.  vi. 
pp.  212-214.] 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 


32 


BAEON  TUYLL  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

Monsieur,  — L'Empereur,  mon  Auguste  Maitre,  ayant  ete  informe, 
que  la  Regence  Republicaine  de  Colombia  avait  nomme  des  Agens  di- 
plomatiques  aupres  de  differentes  Cours  Europeennes  et  que  le  General 
de  division  d'Evreux  avait  regu  une  destination  semblable  pour  St. 
Petersbourg,  sa  Majeste  Imperiale  a  enjouit  a  son  Ministere  de  me 
prevenir,  que,  fidele  aux  principes  politiques,  qu'Elle  suit  de  concert 
avec  ses  allies,  EUe  ne  pourra  dans  aucun  cas  recevoir  aupres  d'Elle 
aucun  agent  quelconque,  soit  de  la  Regence  de  Colombia,  soit  d'aucun 
des  autres  Gouvernemens  de  fait,  qui  doivent  leur  existence  aux  evene- 
ments,  dont  le  nouveau  monde  a  ete  depuis  quelques  annees  le  theatre. 

Comme  il  m'est  prescrit  de  ne  pas  laisser  subsister  le  moindre  doute  sur 
les  intentions  de  sa  Majeste  Imperiale  a  cet  egard,  j'ai  jug^,  Monsieur, 
devoir  porter  cette  determination  a  votre  connaissance  et  je  saisis  cette 
occasion  pour  vous  reiterer  I'assurance  de  la  haute  consideration  avec 
laquelle  j'ai  Thonneur  d'etre,  Monsieur,  votre  tres  humble  et  tres  obeis- 
sant  serviteur 

TUYLL. 

Washington,  le  ^  Octobre,  1823.1 

BARON  TUYLL  TO  COUNT  NESSELRODE. 

A  S.  E.  Mb.  le  Comtk  de  Nbsselrode 

Washington  le  |f  octobre  1823 

M*"  LE  CoMTE,  —  Pour  remplir  les  ordres  que  V.  Ex.  m'a  fait  I'hon- 
neur  de  me  transmettre  par  sa  dep§che  en  date  du  14  Juin  dernier,  j'ai 
adresse  le  -^  octobre  h  M'"  le  Secretaire  d'Etat  Adams  la  lettre  ci  an- 
nex^e  en  copie. 

Ayant  juge,  M"*  le  Comte,  que  cette  demarche  ofRcielle  demandait  un 
developpement  plus  ^tendu  des  principes  et  de  la  fagon  de  voir  de  notre 
Cour,  concernant  la  question  des  Colonies  Espagnoles  d'Amerique,  je 
me  rendis  ce  meme  jour  au  Departement  des  affaires  etrangeres  et  je 
previns  M"  le  Secretaire  d'Etat  du  Contenu  de  I'office,  qu'il  allait  rece- 
voir de  ma  part.  Je  passai  ensuite  a  m'expliquer  envers  ce  ministre 
relativement  h  I'objet  ci  dessus  mentionne  dans  un  sens  entierement  con- 
forme  aux  depeches  de  Y.  Ex.  du  ^|  Juillet  et  du  ^  Decembre  1822, 
et  je  finis  par  exprimer  au  nom  de  S.  M.  I'Empereur,  notre  Auguste 
Maitre,  le  voeu  et  I'espoir,  que  le  Gouvernemeut  des  Etats  Unis  per- 
sistera  dans  le  systeme  de  neutralite  entre  I'Espagne  et  les  Colonies 
Espagnoles  d'Amerique,  qu'il  annouQa  vouloir  suivre  k  I'epoque,  ou  il 
reconnut  I'independance  et  I'existence  politique  de  ces  derniers  pays. 

Mr  Adams  me  repondit :  qu'il  pouvait  m'assurer,  qu'aussi  longtems 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 


33 

que  les  affaires  continueront  de  rester  sous  ce  rapport  dans  le  meme 
etat,  ou  elles  se  trouvaient  au  moment,  que  le  Gouvernement  Amdri- 
cain  a  adopte  le  systeme  de  cette  neutralite,  et  ou  elles  se  sont  mainte- 
nues  jusqu'^  present  le  Gouvernement  ne  se  departira  point  de  ce 
systeme.  Mr.  le  Secretaire  d'Etat  ajouta  ensuite  les  observations 
suivantes : 

Que  la  resolution  du  Gouvernement  des  Etats  Unis  d'observer  la 
neutralite  entre  I'Espagne  et  ses  Colonies  Americaines,  ayant  ete  prise 
d'apres  un  etat  de  choses  existant,  celui  de  la  neutralite  de  la  part  des 
Puissances  de  I'Europe  dans  la  guerre,  que  se  font  I'Espagne  et  ses 
Colonies,  tant  que  cet  etat  de  choses  continuera  de  subsister,  ce  pays  ci 
n'apportera  point  d' alteration  au  systeme  de  neutralite,  qu'il  a  embrasse. 
Que  si  cette  situation  venait  a  eprouver  un  changement  de  la  part  de 
I'une  ou  de  1' autre  Puissance  Europeenne,  de  cette  nouvelle  situation 
r^sulterait  pour  le  cabinet  de  Washington  la  necessite  de  deliberations 
nouvelles ;  et  qu'il  ne  saurait,  naturellement,  pas  me  dire,  quelles  pour- 
raient  etre  les  determinations  que  dans  une  semblable  hypothese,  le 
Gouvernement  des  Etats  Unis  se  verrait  dans  le  cas  d'adopter. 

J'ai  remarque  avec  satisfaction,  Mr.  le  Comte,  que  Mr.  le  Secretaire 
d'Etat  a  paru  reconnoitre  dans  les  explications,  que  j'ai  pense  devoir 
lui  offrir,  une  nouvelle  preuve  des  vues  droites,  genereuses  et  pleines  de 
moderation,  qui  caracterisent  la  politique  de  I'Empereur  et  un  t^moi- 
gnage  de  plus  des  dispositions  constamment  amicales  de  Sa  Majeste 
Imperiale  envers  le  Gouvernement  des  Etats  Unis.  Je  me  suis  con- 
firme  a  cette  occasion  dans  Tidee,  que  j'avais  deja  anterieurement  con- 
9ue,  du  prix,  que  le  Gouvernement  de  ce  pays  attache  a  ces  dispositions 
de  notre  Auguste  Souverain,  et  de  son  desir  d'y  correspondre  de  son 
cote  sincerement ;  sentimens,  dont  Mr  Adams  m'a  reit^r^  les  assurances 
les  plus  positives. 

J'ai  I'honneur  d'etre  &c  &c.^  [Tuyll.] 

BARON  TUYLL  TO  COUNT  NESSELRODE. 

A  S.  E.  Mr.  le  Comtb  de  Nesselkode. 

Washington,  le  ^-^t,,  1823. 

Mr.  le  Comte,  —  Mr.  le  Secretaire  d'Etat  Adams  m'ayant  invite  de 
me  rendre  le  fi,?^tlmb°re  ^^  Departement  des  affaires  ^trangeres,  ce  mi- 
nistre  me  donna  a  connaitre,  qu'il  avait  mis  la  lettre  officielle,  que  je  lui 
adressai  le  -^  Octobre  et  sur  laquelle  je  recevrai  incessamment  une  r^- 
ponse  par  ecrit,  sous  les  yeux  de  Mr.  le  President  des  Etats  Unis  et 
qu'il  lui  avait  egalement  rendu  compte  tant  des  explications  verbales, 
dans  lesqu elles  j'etois  entre  k  cette  occasion,  concernant  la  neutralite  de 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 
5 


34 

ce  pays  entre  I'Espagne  et  ses  Colonies  Americaines,  que  de  ce  qu'il 
m'avait  r^pondu,  de  meme  verbalement,  k  ce  sujet. 

Mr.  Adams  me  dit  ensulte  que  Mr.  le  President  avait  pleinement 
approuve  cette  response  de  Mr.  le  Secretaire  d'Etat,  qu'il  I'avait  de 
plus  charge  de  m'assurer  que  les  observations,  qu'au  nom  de  S.  M. 
FEmpereur  j'avais  presentees  au  Gouvernement  des  Etats  Unis  relative- 
ment  au  point  susmentionne,  avaient  ete  re9ues  amicalement  par  Mr.  le 
President  et  que  ce  dernier  desirait,  qu'en  portant  cette  assurance  a  la 
connaissance  de  ma  Cour,  j'y  ajoutasse  simultanement  I'expression  de 
vosu,  que  forme  de  sou  cote  le  President  des  Etats  Unis :  "  que  Sa 
Majeste  Imperiale  put  trouver  bon  de  continuer  de  m^me  h  suivre  le 
systeme  de  neutralite,  qu'EIle  a  jusqu'k  present  observe  dans  les  diffe- 
rences, qui  subsistent  entre  I'Espagne  et  les  Etats  iudependans,  ci  devant 
Colonies  d'Espagne  en  Amerique." 

J'ai  pense  devoir  prier  Mr.  Adams  de  prendre  lecture  de  mon  rapport 
en  date  du  ^f  Octobre,  que  ce  ministre  a  reconnu  rendre  fidelement  le 
sens  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  dans  nos  premieres  conferences,  et  j'ai  encore 
adopte  aujourd'hui  la  meme  marche,  afin  de  m'assurer  d'autant  mieux 
de  I'exactitude  de  la  presente  depeche. 

J'ai  rhonneur  d'etre  &c.,  &c.,^  [Tuyll.] 


'   COUNT  NESSELRODE  TO  BARON  TUYLL. 

Extrait.  St.  Petersbourg  le  30.  Aoiit,  1823. 

Quand  les  principes  qu'une  cour  a  resolu  de  suivre,  sont  etablis  avec 
precision ;  quand  le  but  qu'elle  se  propose  est  clairement  indique,  les 
^venements  deviennent  faciles  k  juger  pour  Ses  Ministres  &  Agents 
diplomatiques.  Ceux  de  I'Empereur  n'avaient  done  pas  besoin  d'in- 
structions  nouvelles  pour  apprecier  &  considerer  sous  leur  vrai  point 
de  vue  les  heureux  changements  qui  viennent  de  s'accomplir  dans  la 
P4ninsule. 

Penetres  de  I'esprit  qui  dirige  la  politique  de  Sa  Majeste  Imperiale, 
ils  auront  applaudi  aux  declarations,  dont  ces  changements  ont  ete  pre- 
cedes, exprime  les  voeux  les  plus  sinceres  en  faveur  d'une  entreprise 
qui  embrasse  de  si  hauts  interets  &  annonce  sans  hesitation  que  I'Em- 
pereur &  ses  allies  voyaient  avec  un  veritable  sentiment  de  joie,  la 
marche  des  troupes  de  S.  M.  T.  C.  couronnee  d'un  double  succes  par  le 
concours  des  peuples  auxquels  I'arm^e  fran9aise  a  offert  uue  genereuse 
assistance  &  par  Taffranchissement  des  pais  oil  la  revolution  etait  par- 
venue  a  detroner  Tautorite  legitime. 

Aujourd'hui  que  les  artisans  des  malheurs  de  I'Espagne,  renfermes 
dans  Cadiz  &  dans  Barcelone,  pen  vent  bien  encore  abreuver  de  nou- 

1  From  the  Adama  MSS. 


35 

veaux  outrages  leurs  prisonniers  augustes,  mais  non  asservir  &  tyran- 
niser  leur  patrie ;  aujourd'hui  que  le  Portugal  a  noblement  secoue  le 
joug  d'une  odieuse  faction,  nous  sommes  arrives  k  une  epoque,  oil  il  ne 
sera  point  inutile  de  vous  informer  des  decisions  &  des  vues  ulterieures 
de  Sa  Majeste  Imperiale. 

La  force  des  armes  deployee  kpropos ;  environnee  de  toutes  les 
garanties  que  reclamait  la  resolution  d'y  avoir  recours ;  temperee  par 
toutes  les  mesures  &  toutes  les  promesses  qui  pouvaient  tranquilliser 
les  peuple  sur  leur  avenir;  soutenue,  enfin,  par  cette  puissance  d'union 
&  d'accord  qui  a  cree  de  nos  jours  un  nouveau  systeme  politique :  la 
force  des  armes  n'a  eu  en  quelque  sorte  qu'a  se  laisser  appercevoir  pour 
demasquer  aux  yeux  du  monde  un  despotisme  qu'avaient  trop  souvent 
revoque  en  doute,  ou  I'erreur  des  hommes  a  theories  qui  s'abusaient  in- 
voloutairement  peut-^tre  sur  le  veritable  etat  des  choses,  ou  la  mauvaise 
foi  des  hommes  a  projets  criminels  qui  ne  cherchaient  que  les  moyens 
d'etendre  &  de  propager  la  contagion  des  memes  malheurs. 

En  Espagne,  la  nation  toute  entiere  attendait  impatiemment  I'occa- 
sion  de  prouver  que  la  plus  coupable  imposture  avait  seule  pu  lui  preter 
ces  vceux  subversifs  de  I'ordre  social  &  ce  desir  d'avilir  la  Religion  & 
le  Trone  que  dementait  d'avance  chaque  page  de  son  histoire.  En 
Portugal,  il  a  suffi  d'un  exemple  &  du  courage  d'un  jeune  Prince,  pour 
que  r edifice  revolutionnaire  tombat  au  premier  choc,  &  pour  ainsi  dire, 
de  sa  propre  faiblesse.  C'est  une  grande  &  consolante  legon  que  la 
Providence  Divine  nous  reservait.  EUe  accorde  la  justification  d'un 
eclatant  triomphe  aux  desseins  des  Monarques  qui  ont  pris  I'engage- 
ment  de  marcher  dans  ses  voies ;  mais  peut-etre  n'a-t-on  pas  assez  ob- 
serve que  les  memorables  evenements,  dont  nous  sommes  temoins, 
marquent  une  nouvelle  phase  de  la  civilisation  Europeenne.  Sans 
s'affaiblir,  le  patriotisme  parait  s'etre  eclaire ;  la  raison  des  peuples  a 
fait  un  grand  pas,  en  reconnoissant  que,  dans  le  systeme  actuel  de 
TEurope,  les  conquetes  sont  impossibles  ;  que  les  Souverains  qui  avait 
mis  leur  gloire  h  reparer  les  effets  de  ces  anciennes  interventions  dont 
la  malveillance  essayait  encore  d'allarmer  la  credulite  publique,  ne  re- 
nouveleraient  point  ce  qu'ils  avaient  toujours  condamne,  &  que  ces 
vieilles  haines  nationales  qui  repoussaient  jusqu'aux  services  rendus 
par  une  main  etrangere,  devaient  disparaitre  devant  un  sentiment  uni- 
versel,  devant  le  besoin  d'opposer  une  digue  impenetrable  au  retour  des 
troubles  &  des  revolutions  dont  nous  avons  tons  ete,  trente  ans,  les 
jouets  et  les  victimes.  Que  Ton  compare  TEspagne  telle  que  nous  la 
peignaient  des  predictions  sinistres,  h  I'Espagne  telle  qu'elle  se  montre 
aujourd'hui ;  que  Ton  suive  les  rapides  progres  de  la  bonne  cause,  depuis 
I'annee  derniere,  &  on  se  convaincra  de  ces  utiles  verites,  on  verra  que 
la  paix,  en  se  retablissant,  aura  pour  base  la  conviction  gen^ralement 
acquise  des  pr^cieux  avantages  d'une  politique  qui  a  delivre  la  France, 


36 

en  1814  et  1815,  vole  au  secours  de  I'ltalie  en  1821,  brise  les  chaines 
de  I'Espagne  &  du  Portugal  en  1823 ;  d'une  politique,  qui  n'a  pour 
objet  que  de  garantir  la  tranquillite  de  tous  les  Etats  dont  se  compose 
le  monde  civilise. 

II  importe  que  les  Ministres  &  Agents  de  TEmpereur  ne  perdent  pas 
de  vue  ces  graves  considerations  &  qu'ils  les  developpent  toutes  les  fois 
qu'ils  trouvent  I'oecasion  de  les  faire  apprecier. 

L' Alliance  a  ete  trop  calomniee  &  elle  a  fait  trop  de  bien  pour  qu'on 
ne  doive  pas  confondre  ses  accusateurs,  en  plagant  les  resultats  k  cote 
des  imputations,  &  I'honneur  d'avoir  afFranchi  &  sauv6  les  peuples,  k 
cote  du  reproche  de  vouloir  les  asservir  &  les  perdre. 

Tout  autorise  h  croire  que  cette  salutaire  Alliance  accomplira  sans 
obstacle  serieux  I'oeuvre  dont  elle  s'occupe.  La  Revolution  expirante 
peut  bien  compter  quelques  jours  de  plus  ou  de  moins  d'agonie,  mais  il 
lui  sera  plus  difficile  que  jamais  de  redevenir  Puissance ;  car  les  Mo- 
narques  Allies  sont  decides  h  ne  pas  transiger,  a  ne  pas  meme  trailer 
avec  elle.  Certes,  ils  ne  conseilleront,  en  Espagne,  ni  les  vengeances 
ni  les  reactions ;  &  leur  premier  principe  sera  constamment,  que  1' inno- 
cence obtienne  une  juste  garantie  &  I'erreur  un  noble  pardon ;  mais  ils 
ne  sauraient  reconnaitre  ancien  droit  cree  &  soutenu  par  le  crime ;  ils 
ne  sauraient  practiser  avec  ceux  qu'on  a  vus  renouveler  a  I'isle  de  Leon, 
a  Madrid  &  a  Seville  des  attentats  qui  prouvent  le  mepris  ouvert  de 
tout  ce  que  les  hommes  devraient  respecter  le  plus  dans  I'interet  de  leur 
repos  &  de  leur  bonheur.  C'est  avec  cette  determination  qu'a  ete 
forme  &  que  sera  poursuivi  le  siege  de  Cadix.  On  ne  posera  les  armes 
qu'au  moment  ou  la  liberte  du  roi  aura  enfin  ete  conquise  &  assuree. 

Ce  moment  sera  celui,  ou  les  Allies  rempliront  envers  I'Espagne  le 
reste  de  leurs  engagements  &  de  leurs  devoirs.  lis  se  garderont  de 
porter  la  plus  legere  atteinte  a  I'independance  du  Roi,  sous  le  rapport 
de  I'administration  interieure  de  ses  Etats,  mais  par  I'organe  de  leurs 
Ambassadeurs  (Sa  Majeste  Imperiale  se  propose  alors  d'accrediter  tem- 
porairement  le  Lieutenant  General  Pozzo  di  Borgo  aupres  de  S.  M.  C.) 
ils  eleveront  la  voix  de  I'amitie,  ils  useront  de  ses  privileges,  ils  profi- 
teront  de  leur  position,  pour  insister  avec  energie  sur  la  necessite  d'em- 
pdcher  que  Tavenir  ne  reproduise  les  erreurs  du  passe,  de  confier  a 
des  Institutions  fortes,  monarchique  &  toutes  nationales  les  destinees 
futures  de  I'Espagne  &  de  rendre  desormais  inutile  I'assistance  qu'elle 
a  re^ue,  on  y  fondant  un  gouvernement  dont  la  surete  residera  dans  le 
bien  meme  dont  il  sera  I'instrument  &  I'auteur. 

Les  Allies  ne  pourrant  signaler  ni  les  loix,  ni  les  mesures,  ni  les 
hommes  les  plus  capable  de  realiser  de  telles  intentions.  Mais  ils  croi- 
raient  manquer  h  une  de  leurs  obligations  les  plus  essentielles,  s'ils 
n'avertissaient  Ferdinand  VII.,  redevenue  libre,  que  leur  entreprise 
demande  encore  une  derniere  apologie  aux  yeux  de  I'Europe,  &  que  si 


37 

la  prosper! te  de  I'Espagne  n'en  est  la  consequence  immediate,  ils  n'au- 
ront  rien  fait  ni  pour  lui,  ni  pour  eux. 

L'Erapereur  souhaite  avec  la  meme  sincerite  &  le  meme  desinte- 
ressement  un  bonheur  durable  k  la  Nation  portugaise.  Nos  communica- 
tions jointes  h  celles  des  Cours  d' Autriche,  de  France  et  de  Prusse  qui 
partage  ce  desir,  en  offriront  la  meilleure  preuve  au  Cabinet  de  Lis- 
bonne,  &  nous  n'aurons  plus  de  voeux  a  former,  si  le  nouveau  gou- 
vernement  du  Portugal  prepare  avec  prudence  &  maturite  les  materiaux 
d'une  restauration  solide,  s'il  les  met  en  oeuvre,  quand  I'Espagne 
pourra  se  livrer  aux  memes  soins,  &  s'il  rivalise  de  zele  avec  le  Cabinet 
de  Madrid  pour  decider,  k  I'avantage  reciproque  des  deux  Etats,  les 
questions  de  politique  exterieure  &  administrative,  qu'ils  ont,  Fun  a 
Fautre,  k  mediter  &  a  resoudre. 

Tel  est  le  sens  dans  lequel  ont  agi  &  dans  lequel  continueront  d'agir 
I'Empereur  &  ses  Allies.  .  .  . 

Vous  etes  autorise  a  faire  usage  de  la  presente  dans  vos  rapports  con- 
fidentiels  avec  le  gouvernement  des  Etats-Unis  d'Amerique.^ 

On  November  25,  Adams  "  made  a  draft  of  observations 
upon  the  communications  recently  received  from  the  Baron  de 
Tuyl,  the  Russian  Minister.  Took  the  paper,  together  with 
the  statement  I  had  prepared  of  what  has  passed  between 
him  and  me,  and  all  the  papers  received  from  him  to  the 
President."  ^     The  paper  is  as  follows :  — 

Observations  on  the  Communications  recently  received 
FROM  THE  Minister  of  Russia.^ 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  of  America  is  [essentiallyl 
Republican.  By  their  Constitution  it  is  provided  that  "  The  United 
States  shall  guaranty  to  every  State  in  this  Union,  a  Republican  form 
of  Government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them  from  invasion." 

[The  principles  of  this  form  of  Polity  are;   1  that  the  Institution 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 

"  The  second  extract  was  an  exposition  of  principles  relating  to  the  affairs  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  in  a  tone  of  passionate  exultation  at  the  counter-revolution 
in  Portugal  and  the  impending  success  of  the  French  army  in  Spain ;  an  '  lo 
Triumphe'  over  the  fallen  cause  of  revolution,  with  sturdy  promises  of  determi- 
nation to  keep  it  down  ;  disclaimers  of  all  intention  of  making  conquests  ;  bitter 
complaints  of  being  calumniated,  and  one  paragraph  of  compunctions,  acknowl- 
edging that  an  apology  is  yet  due  to  mankind  for  the  invasion  of  Spain,  which  it 
is  in  the  power  only  of  Ferdinand  to  furnish,  by  making  his  people  happy.  That 
paragraph  is  a  satire  upon  the  rest  of  the  paper."  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy 
Adams,  VI.  190. 

2  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,  VI.  199. 

3  What  is  enclosed  between  brackets  was  struck  out  of  the  paper. 


38 

of  Government,  to  be  lawful,  must  be  pacific,  that  is  founded  upon 
the  consent,  and  by  the  agreement  of  those  who  are  governed ;  and  2 
that  each  Nation  is  exclusively  the  judge  of  the  Government  best  suited 
to  itself,  and  that  no  other  Nation,  can  justly  interfere  by  force  to  impose 
a  different  Government  upon  it.  The  first  of  these  principles  may  be 
designated,  as  the  principle  of  Liberty  —  the  second  as  the  principle  of 
National  Independence  —  They  are  both  Principles  of  Peace  and  of 
Good  Will  to  Men.] 

[A  necessary  consequence  of  the  second  of  these  principles  is  that] 
The  United  States  recognize  in  other  Nations  the  right  which  they 
claim  and  exercise  for  themselves,  of  establishing  and  of  modifying 
their  own  Governments,  according  ;to  their  own  judgments,  and  views 
of  their  interests,  not  encroaching  upon  the  rights  of  others. 

Aware  that  the  Monarchical  principle  of  Government,  is  different 
from  theirs,  the  United  States  have  never  sought  a  conflict  with  it,  for 
interests  not  their  own.  Warranted  by  the  principle  of  National  Inde- 
pendence, which  forms  one  of  the  bases  of  their  political  Institutions, 
they  have  desired  Peace,  Commerce  and  Honest  Friendship  with  all 
other  Nations,  and  entangling  alliances  with  none. 

From  all  the  combinations  of  European  Politics  relative  to  the  dis- 
tribution of  Power,  or  the  Administration  of  Government  the  United 
States  have  studiously  kept  themselves  aloof.  They  have  not  sought, 
by  the  propagation  of  their  principles  to  disturb  the  Peace,  or  to  inter- 
meddle with  the  policy  of  any  part  of  Europe.  In  the  Independence 
of  Nations,  they  have  respected  the  organization  of  their  Governments, 
however  different  from  their  own,  and  [Republican  to  the  last  drop  of 
blood  in  their  veins,]  they  have  thought  it  no  sacrifice  of  their  principles 
to  cultivate  with  sincerity  and  assiduity  Peace  and  Friendship  even 
with  the  most  absolute  Monarchies  and  their  Sovereigns. 

To  the  Pevolution  and  War  which  has  severed  the  immense  Terri- 
tories, on  the  american  {Territories]  continents  heretofore  subject  to 
the  dominion  of  Spain  from  the  yoke  of  that  power,  the  United  States 
have  observed  an  undeviating  neutrality.  So  long  as  the  remotest 
prospect  existed  that  Spain  by  Negotiation  or  by  arms  could  recover 
the  possession  she  had  once  held  of  those  Countries,  the  United  States 
forbore  to  enquire  by  what  title  she  had  held  them,  and  how  she  had 
fulfilled  towards  them  the  duties  of  all  Governments  to  the  People 
under  their  charge.  "\V^hen  the  South- American  Nations,  after  succes- 
sively declaring  their  Independence,  had  maintained  it,  until  no  rational 
doubt  could  remain,  that  the  dominion  of  Spain  over  them  was  irre- 
coverably lost,  the  United  States  recognized  them  as  Independent 
Nations,  and  have  entered  into  those  relations  with  them  commercial 
and  political  incident  to  that  Condition  —  Relations  the  more  important 
to  the  interests  of  the  United  States,  as  the  whole  of  those  emancipated 


39 

Regions  are  situated  in  their  own  Hemisphere,  and  as  the  most  exten- 
sive, populous  and  powerful  of  the  new  Nations  are  in  their  immediate 
vicinity;  and  one  of  them  bordering  upon  the  Territories  of  this  Union. 

To  the  contest  between  Spain  and  South  America  all  the  European 
Powers  have  also  remained  neutral.  The  maritime  Nations  have  freely 
entered  into  commercial  intercourse  with  the  South- Americans,  which 
they  could  not  have  done,  while  the  Colonial  Government  of  Spain 
existed.  The  neutrality  of  Europe  was  one  of  the  foundations  upon 
which  the  United  States  formed  their  judgment,  in  recognizing  the 
South- American  Independence;  they  considered  and  still  consider,  that 
from  this  neutrality  the  European  Nations  cannot  rightfully  depart. 

Among  the  Powers  of  Europe,  Russia  is  one  with  whom  the  United 
States  have  entertained  the  most  friendly  and  mutually  beneficial  inter- 
course. Through  all  the  vicissitudes  of  War  and  Revolution,  of  which 
the  world  for  the  last  thirty  years  has  been  the  theatre,  the  good  under- 
standing between  the  two  Governments  has  been  uninterrupted.  The 
Emperor  Alexander  in  particular  has  not  ceased  to  manifest  sentiments 
of  Friendship  and  good-will  to  the  United  States  from  the  period  of  his 
accession  to  the  throne,  to  this  moment,  and  the  United  States  on  their 
part,  have  as  invariably  shown  the  interest  which  they  take  in  his 
Friendship  and  the  solicitude  with  which  they  wish  to  retain  it. 

In  the  communications  recently  received  from  the  Baron  de  Tuyll,  so 
far  as  they  relate  to  the  immediate  objects  of  intercourse  between  the 
two  Governments,  the  President  sees  with  high  satisfaction,  the  avowal 
of  unabated  cordiality  and  kindness  towards  the  United  States  on  the 
part  of  the  Emperor. 

With  regard  to  the  communications  which  relate  to  the  Affairs  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  and  to  those  of  South  America,  while  sensible 
of  the  candour  and  frankness  with  which  they  are  made,  the  President 
indulges  the  hope,  that  they  are  not  intended  either  to  mark  an  JEra 
either  of  change,  in  the  friendly  dispositions  of  the  Emperor  towards 
the  United  States  or  of  hostility  to  the  principles  upon  which  their 
Governments  are  founded ;  or  of  deviation  from  the  system  of  neutrality 
hitherto  observed  by  him  and  his  allies,  in  the  contest  between  Spain 
and  America. 

To  the  Notification  that  the  Emperor,  in  conformity  with  the  political 
principles  maintained  by  himself  and  his  Allies,  has  determined  to  re- 
ceive no  Agent  from  any  of  the  Governments  de  facto,  which  have  been 
recently  formed  in  the  new  World  it  has  been  thought  sufficient  to 
answer  that  the  United  States,  faithful  to  their  political  principles,  have 
recognised  and  now  consider  them  as  the  Governments  of  Independent 
Nations. 

To  the  signification  of  the  Emperor^s  hope  and  desire  that  the  United 
States  should  continue  to  observe  the  neutrality  which  they  have  pro- 


40 

claimed  between  Spain  and  South-America,  the  answer  has  been  that 
the  Neutrality  of  the  United  States  will  be  maintained,  as  long  as  that 
of  Europe,  apart  from  Spain,  shall  continue  and  that  they  hope  that  of 
the  Imperial  Government  of  Russia  will  be  continued. 

[To  the  confidential  communication  from  the  Baron  de  Tuyll,  of  the 
Extract,  dated  S*  Petersburg  30  August  1823.  So  far  as  it  relates 
to  the  affairs  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  the  only  remark  which  it  is  thought 
necessary  to  make,  is  of  the  great  satisfaction  with  which  the  President 
has  noticed  that  paragraph,  which  contains  the  frank  and  solemn  admis- 
sions that  ^Hhe  undertaking  of  the  Allies^  yet  demands  a  last  Apology  to  the 
eyes  of  Europe."} 

In  the  general  declarations  that  the  allied  Monarchs  will  never  com- 
pound, and  never  will  even  treat  with  the  Revolution  and  that  their 
policy  has  only  for  its  object  by  forcible  interposition  to  guaranty  the 
tranquility  of  all  the  States  of  which  the  civilised  world  is  composed^  the 
President  wishes  to  perceive  sentiments,  the  application  of  which  is 
limited,  and  intended  in  their  results  to  be  limited  to  the  Affairs  of 
Europe. 

That  the  sphere  of  their  operations  was  not  intended  to  embrace  the 
United  States  of  America,  nor  any  portion  of  the  American  Hemi- 
sphere. 

And  finally  deeply  desirous  as  the  United  States  are  of  preserving 
the  general-  peace  of  the  world,  their  friendly  intercourse  with  all  the 
European  Nations,  and  especially  the  most  cordial  harmony  and  good- 
will with  the  Imperial  Government  of  Russia,  it  is  due  as  well  to  their 
own  unalterable  Sentiments,  as  to  the  explicit  avowal  of  them,  called 
for  by  the  communications  received  from  the  Baron  de  Tuyll,  to  declare 

That  the  United  States  of  America,  and  their  Government,  could 
not  see  with  indifference,  the  forcible  interposition  of  any  European 
Power_,  other  than  Spain,  either  to  restore  the  dominion  of  Spain  over 
her  emancipated  Colonies  in  America,  or  to  establish  Monarchical  Gov- 
ernments in  those  Countries,  or  to  transfer  any  of  the  possessions  here- 
tofore or  yet  subject  to  Spain  in  the  American  Hemisphere,  to  any 
other  European  Power. 

Department  of  State  Washington  27  November  1823 

The  remarkable  discussion  this  paper  caused  in  the  Cabinet 
is  too  long  for  insertion  in  this  place,  and  is  fully  described  in  the 
"  Memoirs  of  John  Quincy  Adams,"  vol.  vi.  pp.  199-212.  That 
the  timidity  of  the  President  was  awakened  that  record  shows ; 
but  the  persistence  of  Adams,  and  the  very  weighty  arguments 
he  advanced  in  its  favor,  induced  Monroe  to  yield,  but  not 
until  it  was  too  late  for  the  purpose  intended.     For  the  paper 


41 

was  read  to  the  Russian  Minister  without  the  disputed  para- 
graphs. Now  that  their  nature  is  known,  we  may  wonder  at 
the  extreme  susceptibility  of  the  President  in  the  matter. 

JAMES  MONROE  TO  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  am  inclind  to  think  that  the  second  parag^  had  bet- 
ter be  omitted,  &  that  such  part  of  the  3^  be  also  omitted,  as  will  make 
that  parag"?,  stand,  as  the  second  distinct  proposition,  in  our  system. 
The  principle  of  the  paper,  will  not  be  affected  by  this  modification,  & 
it  will  be  less  likely  to  produce  excitement  anywhere. 

Two  other  passages,  the  first  in  the  first  page,  &  the  second,  in  the 
3?  are  also  marked  for  omission.  J.  M. 

You  had  better  see  the  Baron  immediately. 

Nov:  27,  1823.1 

JAMES  MONROE  TO  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

Nov^  27  [1823.] 
The  direct  attack  which  the  parag^  makes  on  the  recent  of  move- 
ments, of  the  Emperor,  &  of  course,  censure,  on  him,  and  its  tendency 
to  irritate,  suggest  the  apprehension  that  it  may  produce  an  unfavorable 
effect.  The  illustration  of  our  principles,  is  one  thing  ;  the  doing  it,  in 
such  a  form,  bearing  directly,  on  what  has  passed,  &  which  is  avoided 
in  the  message,  is  another.  Nevertheless,  as  you  attach  much  interest 
to  this  passage,  I  am  willing  that  you  insert  it,  being  very  averse  to  your 
omitting  any  thing  w'^^  you  deem  so  material.  J.  M.^ 

As  connected  with  this  matter,  three  letters  from  Monroe 
will  not  be  without  interest,  especially  as  they  throw  some 
light  upon  his  position  and  lead  up  to  the  continuation  of  my 
story.  Canning  was  answered  ;  it  remained  to  make  a  reply 
to  the  Russian  communications.  In  his  second  letter  to 
Jefferson,  Monroe  touches  upon  the  matter,  thus  giving  a 
connecting  link. 

MONROE  TO  JEFFERSON. 

Washington,  Dec'  4,  1823. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  now  forward  to  you  a  copy  of  the  message,  more 
legible  than  that  which  [was]  sent  by  the  last  mail.     I  have  concurred 
thoroughly  with  the  sentiments  expressd  in  your  late  letter,  as  I  am 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS.  2  juj^ 

6 


42 

persuaded,  you  will  find,  by  the  message,  as  to  the  part  we  ought  to  act, 
toward  the  allied  powers,  in  regard  to  S°  America.  I  consider  the 
cause  of  that  country,  as  essentially  our  own.  That  the  crisis  is  fully 
as  menacing,  as  has  been  supposed,  is  confirmd,  by  recent  communica- 
tions, from  another  quarter,  with  which  I  will  make  you  acquainted  in 
my  next.  The  most  unpleasant  circumstance,  in  these  communications 
is,  that  Mr.  Canning's  zeal,  has  much  abated  of  late.  Whether  this 
proceeds,  from  the  unwillingness  of  his  gov*,  to  recognize  the  new  gov*?, 
or  from  offers  made  to  it,  by  the  allied  powers,  to  seduce  it,  into  their 
scale,  we  know  not.  We  shall  nevertheless  be  on  our  guard,  against 
any  contingency.     Very  respectfully  and  sincerely  Yours, 

James  Monroe. 
Reed  Dec.  7.i 

MONROE  TO  S.  L.  GOUVERNEUR. 

Washington,  Dec.  4,  1823. 

Dear  Samuel,  —  I  have  only  a  moment  to  inform  you  that  your 
aunt  escaped  her  chill  last  night,  &  is  much  better  today.  She  was 
bled  yesterday  &  had  also  taken  some  Calomel  to  which  we  attribute 
this  improvement. 

I  send  you  two  copies  of  the  message,  better  printed  than  that  which 
I  sent  yesterday,  with  the  information,  which  we  possess,  of  the  views 
of  the  allied  powers,  which  altho'  applicable  to  S°  am:,  touch  us,  on 
principle,  it  was  thought  a  duty  to  advert  to  the  subject,  &  in  plain 
terms.  It  has  been  done,  nevertheless,  in  mild,  respectful,  &  friendly 
terms.  Had  I  omitted  to  put  the  country  on  its  guard,  &  any  thing 
had  occurrd  of  a  serious  character,  I  should  probably  have  been  cen- 
surd  as  it  is  they  may  look  before  them,  and  what  may  be  deemed 
expedient.  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  in  what  light  the  warning  is 
viewd. 

I  hope  that  neither  you,  Mr.  Tillotson  or  Mr.  Morris,  will  pledge 
either  yourselves,  or  me,  in  favor  of  Mr.  Randolph,  further  than  as  to 
the  respectability  of  his  character,  &  what  I  have  heard  of  his  estate, 
which  I  stated  that  I  had  not  seen.  I  think  it  valuable,  &  that  he 
would  not  misrepresent  facts.  Be  on  your  guard  as  to  this.  Tell  Maria 
that  we  are  much  relieved,  by  the  favorable  change  in  her  mothers 
health.  If  she  escapes  to  morrow,  we  trust,  that  all  further  anxiety 
will  cease,     affectionate  regards  attend  you  all  — 

Your  friend 

James  Monroe.^ 

1  From  the  Jefferson  Papers  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 

2  From  the  Monroe  Papers  in  the  New  York  Public  Library. 


43 


MONROE  TO  JEFFERSON. 

Washington,  Dec',  1823. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Shortly  after  the  receipt  of  yours  of  the  24*''  of 
October,  &  while  the  subject  treated  in  it,  was  under  consideration, 
the  Russian  minister,  drew  the  attention  of  the  gov*  to  the  same  sub- 
ject, tho'  in  a  very  different  sense  from  that  in  which  it  had  been  done 
by  Mr.  Canning.  Baron  Tuyll,  announcd  in  an  official  letter,  and  as 
was  understood  by  order  of  the  Emperor,  that  having  heard  that  the 
republic  of  Columbia  had  appointed  a  minister  to  Russia,  he  wished  it 
to  be  distinctly  understood  that  he  would  not  receive  him,  nor  would 
he  receive  any  minister  from  any  of  the  new  gov*^  de  facto,  of  which 
the  new  world  had  been  recently  the  theatre.  On  another  occasion, 
he  observ'd,  that  the  Emperor  had  seen  with  great  satisfaction,  the 
declaration  of  this  gov*,  when  those  new  gov*^  were  recognized,  that  it 
was  the  intention  of  the  UStates,  to  remain  neutral.  He  gave  this 
intimation  for  the  purpose  of  expressing  the  wish  of  his  master,  that 
we  would  persevere  in  the  same  policy.  He  communicated  soon 
afterwards,  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  his  gov*,  in  which  the  conduct 
of  the  allied  powers,  in  regard  to  Naples,  Spain,  &  Portugal,  was 
reviewed,  and  that  policy  explain'd,  distinctly  avowing  their  determi- 
nation, to  crush  all  revolutionary  movements,  &  thereby  to  preserve 
order  in  the  civilized  world.  The  terms  ''civilized  world"  were 
probably  intended  to  be  applied  to  Europe  only,  but  admited  an  ap- 
plication to  this  hemisphere  also.  These  communications  were  receivd 
as  proofs  of  candour,  &  a  friendly  disposition  to  the  UStates,  but 
were  nevertheless  answer'd,  in  a  manner  equally  explicit,  frank,  & 
direct,  to  each  point.  In  regard  to  neutrality  it  was  observ'd,  when 
that  sentim*  was  declard,  that  the  other  powers  of  Europe  had  not 
taken  side  with  Spain  —  that  they  were  then  neutral  —  if  they  should 
change  their  policy,  the  state  of  things,  on  which  our  neutrality  was 
declar'd,  being  alterd,  we  would  not  be  bound  by  that  declaration, 
but  might  change  our  policy  also.^  Informal  notes,  or  rather  a 
proces  verbal,  of  what  passed  in  conference,  to  such  effect,  were 
exchangd  between  Mr  Adams  &  the  Russian  minister,  with  an 
understanding  however  that  they  should  be  held  confidential. 

When  the  character  of  these  communications,  of  that  from  Mr. 
Canning,  &  that  from  the  Russian  minister,  is  considerd,  &  the  time 
when  made,  it  leaves  little  doubt  that  some  project  against  the  new 
gov*^,  is  contemplated.  In  what  form  is  uncertain.  It  is  hoped  that 
the  sentiments  expressd  in  the  message,  will  give  a  check  to  it.  We 
certainly  meet,  in  full  extent,  the  proposition  of  Mr.  Canning,  &  in  the 

1  To  this  point  in  thick  lines ;  showing  a  change  of  pen,  and  presumably  a 
change  in  time,  what  follows  being  written  at  a  later  day. 


44 

mode  to  give  it  the  greatest  effect.  If  his  govt  makes  a  similar  decl", 
the  project  will,  it  may  be  presumd,  be  abandoned.  By  taking  the 
step  here,  it  is  done  in  a  manner  more  conciliatory  with,  &  respectful 
to  Russia,  &  the  other  powers,  than  if  taken  in  England,  and  as  it 
is  thought  with  more  credit  to  our  gov*  Had  we  mov'd  in  the  first 
instance  in  England,  separated  as  she  is  in  part,  from  those  powers, 
our  union  with  her,  being  marked,  might  have  producd  irritation  with 
them.  We  know  that  Russia,  dreads  a  connection  between  the 
UStates  &  G.  Britain,  or  harmony  in  policy.  Moving  on  our  own 
ground,  the  apprehension  that  unless  she  retreats,  that  effect  may  be 
producd,  may  be  a  motive  with  her  for  retreating.  Had  we  mov'd  in 
England,  it  is  probable,  that  it  would  have  been  inferr'd  that  we  acted 
under  her  influence,  &  at  her  instigation,  &  thus  have  lost  credit  as 
well  with  our  southern  neighbours,  as  with  the  allied  powers. 

There  is  some  danger  that  the  British  gov*,  when  it  sees  the  part 
we  have  taken,  may  endeavour  to  throw  the  whole  burden  on  us,  and 
profit,  in  case  of  such  interposition  of  the  allied  powers ;  of  her  neutral- 
ity, at  our  expense.  But  I  think  that  this  would  be  impossible  after 
what  has  passd  on  the  subject ;  besides  it  does  not  follow,  from  what 
has  been  said,  that  we  should  be  bound  to  engage  in  the  war,  in  such 
event.  Of  this  intimations  may  be  given,  should  it  be  necessary.  A 
messenger  will  depart  for  Engl-  with  despatches  for  Mr.  Rush  in  a 
few  days,  who  will  go  on  to  S*  Petersb?  with  others  to  Mr.  Middleton. 
And  considering  the  crisis,  it  has  occurr'd,  that  a  special  mission,  of 
the  first  consideration  from  the  country,  directed  to  Engl^  in  the  first 
instance,  with  power,  to  attend,  any  congress,  that  may  be  conven'd, 
on  the  affrs  of  S?  am :  or  Mexico,  might  have  the  happiest  effect. 
You  shall  hear  from  me  further  on  this  subject. 

Very  sincerely  your  friend 

Endorsed  "  rec^  Dec.  11. "  i  [no  signature.] 

KICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

(Rec'd  9th  October.) 

No.  323.  London,  August  19,  1823. 

Sir,  —  When  my  interview  with  Mr.  Canning  on  Saturday  was  about 
to  close,  I  transiently  asked  him  whether,  notwithstanding  the  late  news 
from  Spain,  we  might  not  hope  that  the  Spaniards  would  get  the  better 
of  all  their  difficulties.  I  had  allusion  to  the  defection  of  Baltasteros,  in 
Andalusia,  an  event  seeming  to  threaten  with  new  dangers  the  consti- 
tutional cause.  His  reply  was  general,  importing  nothing  more  than 
his  opinion  of  the  increased  difficulties  and  dangers  with  which,  un- 
doubtedly, this  event  was  calculated  to  surround  the  Spanish  cause. 

1  From  the  Jefferson  Papers  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  G. 


45 

Pursuing  the  topick  of  Spanish  affairs,  I  remarked  that  should 
France  ultimately  effect  her  purposes  in  Spain,  there  was  at  least 
the  consolation  left,  that  Great  Britain  would  not  allow  her  to  go 
farther  and  lay  her  hands  upon  the  Spanish  colonies,  bringing  them  too 
under  her  grasp.  I  here  had  in  my  mind  the  sentiments  promulgated 
upon  this  subject  in  Mr.  Canning's  note  to  the  British  ambassador  at 
Paris  of  the  31st  of  March,  during  the  negotiations  that  preceded  the 
invasion  of  Spain.  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  British  government 
say  in  this  note,  that  time  and  the  course  of  events  appeared  to  have 
substantially  decided  the  question  of  the  separation  of  these  colonies 
from  the  mother  country,  although  their  formal  recognition  as  inde- 
pendent states  by  Great  Britain  might  be  hastened  or  retarded  by 
external  circumstances,  as  well  as  by  the  internal  condition  of  those 
new  states  themselves;  and  that  as  his  Britannic  majesty  disclaimed 
all  intention  of  appropriating  to  himself  the  smallest  portion  of  the  late 
Spanish  possessions  in  America,  he  was  also  satisfied  that  no  attempt 
would  be  made  by  France  to  bring  any  of  them  under  her  dominion, 
either  by  conquest,  or  by  cession  from  Spain. 

By  this  we  are  to  understand,  in  terms  sufficiently  distinct,  that 
Great  Britain  would  not  be  passive  under  such  an  attempt  by  France, 
and  Mr.  Canning,  on  my  having  referred  to  this  note,  asked  me  what 
I  thought  my  government  would  say  to  going  hand  in  hand  with  this, 
in  the  same  sentiment ;  not  as  he  added  that  any  concert  in  action 
under  it,  could  become  necessary  between  the  two  countries,  but  that 
the  simple  fact  of  our  being  known  to  hold  the  same  sentiment  would, 
he  had  no  doubt,  by  its  moral  effect,  put  down  the  intention  on  the 
part  of  France,  admitting  that  she  should  ever  entertain  it.  This 
belief  was  founded  he  said  upon  the  large  share  of  the  maritime 
power  of  the  world  which  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  shared 
between  them,  and  the  consequent  influence  which  the  knowledge  that 
they  held  a  common  opinion  upon  a  question  on  which  such  large  mari- 
time interests,  present  and  future,  hung,  could  not  fail  to  produce  upon 
the  rest  of  the  world. 

I  replied,  that  in  what  manner  my  government  would  look  upon 
such  a  suggestion,  I  was  unable  to  say,  but  that  I  would  communi- 
cate it  in  the  same  informal  manner  in  which  he  threw  it  out.  I 
said,  however,  that  I  did  not  think  I  should  do  so  with  full  advantage, 
unless  he  would  at  the  same  time  enlighten  me  as  to  the  precise  situa- 
tion in  which  His  Majesty's  government  stood  at  this  moment  in  relation 
to  those  new  states,  and  especially  on  the  material  point  of  their  own 
independence. 

He  replied  that  Great  Britain  certainly  never  again  intended  to  lend 
her  instrumentality  or  aid,  whether  by  mediation  or  otherwise,  towards 
making  up  the  dispute  between  Spain  and  her  colonies :  but  that  if  this 


46 

result  could  still  be  brought  about,  she  would  not  interfere  to  prevent 
it.  Upon  my  intimating  that  I  had  supposed  that  all  idea  of  Spain 
ever  recovering  her  authority  over  the  colonies  had  long  since  gone  by, 
he  explained  by  saying  that  he  did  not  mean  to  controvert  that  opinion, 
for  he  too  believed  that  the  day  had  arrived  when  all  America  might  be 
considered  as  lost  to  Europe,  so  far  as  the  tie  of  political  dependence 
was  concerned.  All  that  he  meant  was,  that  if  Spain  and  the  colonies 
should  still  be  able  to  bring  the  dispute,  not  yet  totally  extinct  between 
them,  to  a  close  upon  terms  satisfactory  to  both  sides,  and  which  should 
at  the  same  time  secure  to  Spain  commercial  or  other  advantages  not 
extended  to  other  nations,  that  Great  Britain  would  not  object  to  a 
compromise  in  this  spirit  of  preference  to  Spain.  All  that  she  would 
ask  would  be  to  stand  upon  as  favored  a  footing  as  any  other  nation 
after  Spain.  Upon  my  again  alluding  to  the  improbability  of  the  dis- 
pute ever  settling  down  now  even  upon  this  basis,  he  said  that  it  was 
not  his  intention  to  maintain  such  a  position,  and  that  he  had  expressed 
himself  as  above  rather  for  the  purpose  of  indicating  the  feeling  which 
this  cabinet  still  had  towards  Spain  in  relation  to  the  controversy,  than 
of  predicting  results. 

Wishing,  however,  to  be  still  more  specifically  informed,  I  asked 
whether  Great  Britain  was  at  this  moment  taking  any  step,  or  con- 
templating any,  which  had  reference  to  the  recognition  of  these  states, 
this  being  the  point  in  which  we  felt  the  chief  interest. 

He  replied  that  she  had  taken  none  whatever,  as  yet,  but  was  upon 
the  eve  of  taking  one,  not  final,  but  preparatory,  and  which  would  still 
leave  her  at  large  to  recognize  or  not  according  to  the  position  of  events 
at  a  future  period.  The  measure  in  question  was,  to  send  out  one 
or  more  individuals  under  authority  from  this  government  to  South 
America,  not  strictly  diplomatic,  but  clothed  with  powers  in  the  nature 
of  a  commission  of  inquiry,  and  which  in  short  he  described  as  analo- 
gous to  those  exercised  by  our  commissioners  in  1817  ;  and  that  upon  the 
result  of  this  commission  much  might  depend  as  to  the  ulterior  conduct 
of  Great  Britain.  I  asked  whether  I  was  to  understand  that  it  would 
comprehend  all  the  new  states,  or  which  of  them ;  to  which  he  replied 
that,  for  the  present,  it  would  be  limited  to  Mexico. 

Reverting  to  his  first  idea  he  again  said,  that  he  hoped  that  France 
would  not,  should  even  events  in  the  Peninsula  be  favorable  to  her, 
extend  her  views  to  South  America  for  the  purpose  of  reducing  the 
colonies,  nominally  perhaps  for  Spain,  but  in  effect  to  subserve  ends  of 
her  own  ;  but  that  in  case  she  should  meditate  such  a '  policy,  he  was 
satisfied  that  the  knowledge  of  the  United  States  being  opposed  to  it  as 
well  as  Great  Britain,  could  not  fail  to  have  its  influence  in  checking 
her  steps.  In  this  way  he  thought  good  might  be  done  by  prevention, 
and  peaceful  prospects  all  round  increased.     As  to  the  form  in  which 


47 

such  knowledge  might  be  made  to  reach  France,  and  even  the  other 
powers  of  Europe,  he  said  in  conclusion  that  that  might  probably  be 
arranged  in  a  manner  that  would  be  free  from  objection. 

I  again  told  him  that  I  would  convey  his  suggestions  to  you  for  the 
information  of  the  President,  and  impart  to  him  whatever  reply  I  might 
receive.  My  own  inference  rather  is,  that  his  proposition  was  a  fortu- 
itous one ;  yet  he  entered  into  it  I  thought  with  some  interest,  and 
appeared  to  receive  with  a  corresponding  satisfaction  the  assurance  I 
gave  him  that  it  should  be  made  known  to  the  President.  I  did  not 
feel  myself  at  liberty  to  express  any  opinion  unfavorable  to  it,  and  was 
as  careful  to  give  none  in  its  favor. 

Mr.  Canning  mentioned  to  me  at  this  same  interview,  that  a  late 
confidential  despatch  which  he  had  seen  from  Count  Nesselrode  to 
Count  Lieven,  dated,  I  think,  in  June,  contained  declarations  respect- 
ing the  Russian  ukase  relative  to  the  northwest  coast  that  were  satis- 
factory;  that  they  went  to  show  that  it  would  probably  not  be  executed 
in  a  manner  to  give  cause  of  complaint  to  other  nations,  and  that,  in 
particular,  it  had  not  yet  been  executed  in  any  instance  under  orders 
issued  by  Russia  subsequently  to  its  first  promulgation. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  with  very  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Richard  Rush. 

Honorable  John  Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State. 


{Enclosure  with  Mr.  Rush's  No.  325,  August  23,  1823.) 

GEORGE  CANNING  TO  RICHARD  RUSH. 

Private  and  confidential.  Foreign  Office,  Aug.  20,  1823. 

•  My  dear  Sir,  —  Before  leaving  Town  I  am  desirous  of  bringing 
before  you  in  a  more  distinct,  but  still  in  an  unofficial  and  confidential 
shape,  the  question  which  we  shortly  discussed  the  last  time  that  I  had 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  you. 

Is  not  the  moment  come  when  our  Governments  might  understand 
each  other  as  to  the  Spanish  American  Colonies?  And  if  we  can 
arrive  at  such  an  understanding,  would  it  not  be  expedient  for  our- 
selves, and  beneficial  for  all  the  world,  that  the  principles  of  it  should 
be  clearly  settled  and  plainly  avowed  ? 

For  ourselves  we  have  no  disguise. 

1.  We  conceive  the  recovery  of  the  Colonies  by  Spain  to  be 
hopeless. 

2.  We  conceive  the  question  of  the  recognition  of  them,  as  Inde- 
pendent States,  to  be  one  of  time  and  circumstances. 

3.  We  are,  however,  by  no  means  disposed  to  throw  any  impedi- 


48 

ment  in  the  way  of  an  arrangement  between  them  and  the  mother 
country  by  amicable  negotiations. 

4.  We  aim  not  at  the  possession  of  any  portion  of  them  ourselves. 

5.  We  could  not  see  any  portion  of  them  transferred  to  any  other 
Power,  with  indifference. 

If  these  opinions  and  feelings  are  as  I  firmly  believe  them  to  be, 
common  to  your  Government  with  ours,  why  should  we  hesitate  mutu- 
ally to  confide  them  to  each  other ;  and  to  declare  them  in  the  face  of 
the  world? 

If  there  be  any  European  Power  which  cherishes  other  projects, 
which  looks  to  a  forcible  enterprize  for  reducing  the  colonies  to  subju- 
gation, on  the  behalf  or  in  the  name  of  Spain  ;  or  which  meditates  the 
acquisition  of  any  part  of  them  to  itself,  by  cession  or  by  conquest ; 
such  a  declaration  on  the  part  of  your  government  and  ours  would  be 
at  once  the  most  effectual  and  the  least  offensive  mode  of  intimating  our 
joint  disapprobation  of  such  projects. 

It  would  at  the  same  time  put  an  end  to  all  the  jealousies  of  Spain 
with  respect  to  her  remaining  Colonies,  and  to  agitation  which  prevails 
in  those  Colonies,  an  agitation  which  it  would  be  but  humane  to  allay ; 
being  determined  (as  we  are)  not  to  profit  by  encouraging  it. 

Do  you  conceive  that  under  the  power  which  you  have  recently 
received,  you  are  authorized  to  enter  into  negotiation  and  to  sign  any 
Convention  upon  this  subject?  Do  you  conceive,  if  that  be  not  within 
your  competence,  you  could  exchange  with  me  ministerial  notes  upon  it  ? 

Nothing  could  be  more  gratifying  to  me  than  to  join  with  you  in  such 
a  work,  and,  I  am  persuaded,  there  has  seldom,  in  the  history  of  the 
world,  occurred  an  opportunity  when  so  small  an  effort  of  two  friendly 
Governments  might  produce  so  unequivocal  a  good  and  prevent  such 
extensive  calamities. 

1  shall  be  absent  from  London  but  three  weeks  at  the  utmost ;  but 
never  so  far  distant  but  that  I  can  receive  and  reply  to  any  communi- 
cation within  three  or  four  days. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be 

My  Dear  Sir,  with  great  respect  and  esteem 

Your  obedient  and  faithful  servant 

R.  EusH,  Esqr.  (Signed)     George  Canning. 


{Enclosure  with  Mr.  Rush's  No.  326,  August  28,  1823.) 

GEORGE  CANNING  TO  RICHARD  RUSH. 

Private  and  confidential.  Liverpool,  August  23,  1823. 

Mt  dear  Sir,  —  Since  I  wrote  to  you  on  the  20th,  an  additional 
motive  has  occurred  for  wishing  that  we  might  be  able  to  come  to  some 


49 

understanding  on  the  part  of  our  respective  Governnaents  on  the  subject 
of  my  letter ;  to  come  to  it  soon,  and  to  be  at  liberty  to  announce  it  to 
the  world. 

It  is  this.  I  have  received  notice,  but  not  such  a  notice  as  imposes 
upon  me  the  necessity  of  any  immediate  answer  or  proceeding  —  that 
so  soon  as  the  military  objects  in  Spain  are  achieved  (of  which  the 
French  expect,  how  justly  I  know  not,  a  very  speedy  achievement)  a 
proposal  will  be  made  for  a  Congress,  or  some  less  formal  concert  and 
consultation,  specially  upon  the  affairs  of  Spanish  America. 

I  need  not  point  out  to  you  all  the  complications  to  which  this  pro- 
posal, however  dealt  with  by  us,  may  lead. 

Pray  receive  this  communication  in  the  same  confidence  with  the 
former;  and  believe  me  with  great  truth 

My  Dear  Sir,  and  esteem, 

Your  obedient  and  faithful  servant, 

R.  Rush,  Esqr.  (Signed)     Geo.  Canning. 

RICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

(Rec'd  5  November.) 

No.  330.  London,  September  8,  1823. 

Sir,  —  I  yesterday  received  another  confidential  note  from  Mr.  Can- 
ning, dated  the  thirty  first  of  August,  a  copy  of  which  I  have  the  honor 
to  enclose  herewith  for  the  President's  information. 

From  this  note  it  would  appear  that  Mr.  Canning  is  not  prepared  to 
pledge  this  government  to  an  immediate  recognition  of  the  independence 
of  the  South  American  States.  I  shall  renew  to  him  a  proposition  to 
this  effect  when  we  meet ;  but  should  he  continue  to  draw  back  from 
it,  I  shall  on  my  part  not  act  upon  the  overtures  contained  in  his  first 
note,  not  feeling  myself  at  liberty  to  accede  to  them  in  the  name  of  my 
government,  but  upon  the  basis  of  an  equivalent.  This  equivalent  as  I 
now  view  the  subject  could  be  nothing  less  than  the  immediate  and  full 
acknowledgment  of  those  states,  or  some  of  them,  by  Great  Britain. 

I  shall  send  this  despatch  by  this  evening's  mail  to  Liverpool,  and 
have  reason  to  hope  that  it  will  go  in  a  ship  that  sails  on  the  eighth, 
whereby  there  will  have  been  not  a  moment's  delay  in  putting  you 
in  possession  of  all  the  correspondence  that  has  passed  between  Mr. 
Canning  and  me,  or  that  now  seems  likely  to  pass,  upon  this  delicate 
subject.  I  cannot  help  thinking,  however,  that  its  apparent  urgency 
may,  after  all,  be  lessened  by  the  turn  which  we  may  yet  witness  in 
affairs,  military  and  political,  in  Spain. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain  with  very  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Richard  Rush. 

Honorable  John  Quinct  Adams,  Secretarv  of  State. 

7 


50 


{3)iclosure  with  Mr,  Rush's  No,  330,  September  8,  1823.) 
GEORGE  CANNING  TO  RICHARD  RUSH. 

Private  and  Confidential.  Storks,  Westmorland,  Aug.  31, 1823. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  have  now  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
answer  to  both  my  letters ;  and  whatever  may  be  the  practical  result 
of  our  confidential  communication,  it  is  an  unmixed  satisfaction  to  me 
that  the  spirit  in  which  it  began  on  my  part,  has  been  met  so  cordially 
on  yours. 

To  a  practical  result  eminently  beneficial  I  see  no  obstacle ;  except 
in  your  want  of  specific  powers,  and  in  the  delay  which  may  inter- 
vene before  you  can  procure  them ;  and  during  which  events  may  get 
before  us. 

Had  you  felt  yourself  authorized  to  entertain  any  formal  proposition, 
and  to  decide  upon  it,  without  reference  home,  I  would  immediately 
have  taken  measures  for  assembling  my  Colleagues  in  London,  upon  my 
return,  in  order  to  be  enabled  to  submit  to  you  as  the  act  of  my  govern- 
ment, all  that  I  have  stated  to  you  as  my  own  sentiments  and  theirs. 
But  with  such  a  delay  in  prospect,  I  think  I  should  hardly  be  justified 
in  proposing  to  bind  ourselves  to  any  thing  positively  and  uncondition- 
ally ;  and  think  on  the  other  hand  that  a  proposition  qualified  either  in 
respect  to  the  contingency  of  your  concurrence  in  it,  or  with  reference 
to  possible  change  of  circumstances,  would  want  the  decision  and  frank- 
ness which  I  should  wish  to  mark  our  proceeding. 

Not  that  I  anticipate  any  change  of  circumstances,  which  could  vary 
the  views  opened  to  you  in  my  first  letter :  —  nor  that,  after  what  you 
have  written  to  me  in  return,  I  apprehend  any  essential  dissimilarity  of 
views  on  the  part  of  your  Government. 

But  we  must  not  place  ourselves  in  a  position  in  which,  if  called  upon 
from  other  quarters  for  an  opinion,  we  cannot  give  a  clear  and  definite 
account  not  only  of  what  we  think  and  feel,  but  of  what  we  have  done 
or  are  doing,  upon  the  matter  in  question.  To  be  able  to  say,  in  an- 
swer to  such  an  appeal,  that  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  con- 
cur in  thinking  so  and  so  —  would  be  well.  To  anticipate  any  such 
appeal  by  a  voluntary  declaration  to  the  same  effect  would  be  still  better. 
But  to  have  to  say  that  we  are  in  communication  with  the  United 
States  but  have  no  conclusive  understanding  with  them,  would  be  in- 
convenient —  our  free  agency  would  thus  be  fettered  with  respect 
to  other  Powers;  while  our  agreement  with  you  would  be  yet 
unascertained. 

What  appears  to  me,  therefore,  the  most  advisable  is  that  you  should 
see  in  my  unofficial  communication  enough  hope  of  good  to  warrant 
you  in  requiring  Powers  and  Instructions  from  your  Government  on 


51 

this  point,  in  addition  to  the  others  upon  which  you  have  recently  been 
instructed  and  empowered  ;  treating  that  communication  not  as  a  prop- 
osition made  to  you,  but  as  the  evidence  of  the  nature  of  a  proposition 
which  it  would  have  been  my  desire  to  make  to  you,  if  I  had  found  you 
provided  with  authority  to  entertain  it. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  respect, 

My  Dear  Sir, 
Your  obedient  and  faithful  servant, 

(Signed)     Geo.  Canning. 
Richard  Rush,  Esr., 

etc.,  etc.,  etc. 


RICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

(Rec'd  3rd  Nov.) 

No.  332.  London,  September  20,  1823. 

Sir,  —  Notwithstanding  what  I  have  said  of  the  publick  advantage 
which  (as  I  have  presumed  to  think  and  still  think)  would  be  likely  to 
result  from  giving  me  a  colleague  in  the  negociation  should  it  all  come 
on,  I  shall,  of  course,  prepare  myself  to  go  through  it  alone  should  the 
President  decide  not  to  send  one  out. 

But  as  in  your  number  seventy  two,  I  am  informed  that  I  shall  prob- 
ably have  one  in  the  event  of  Mr.  Gallatin's  return  to  Europe,  or  if  a 
successor  to  him  should  soon  be  appointed,  I  have  concluded  to  pause 
until  I  hear  from  you  again  on  this  point.  In  my  conference  with  Mr. 
Canning  the  day  before  yesterday,  our  attention  was  so  exclusively  en- 
grossed by  the  South  American  subject,  that  that  of  the  negociation 
was  not  mentioned  by  him.  When  however  I  had  finished  reading  the 
introductory  reflections  of  your  number  seventy  two,  I  stated  to  him 
what  you  had  written  to  me  respecting  a  colleague,  and  that  as  I  had 
therefore  some  reason  to  expect  one,  contingently,  I  should  deem  it 
proper  and  even  incumbent  upon  me  to  wait  a  while  until  this  contin- 
gency was  decided,  or  until  I  heard  something  more  of  it  from  my  gov- 
ernment, as  I  probably  should  soon. 

I  found  Mr.  Canning  unprepared  as  yet  to  designate  in  what  manner, 
or  to  what  extent,  the  negociation  would  be  taken  up  by  this  gov- 
ernment. He  barely  hinted  at  the  number  and  complication  of  the 
subjects  which  I  had  laid  before  him. 

Mr.  Hughes  reached  London  on  the  night  of  the  sixth  instant,  and 
went  away  on  the  twelfth.  His  short  stay,  added  to  his  own  engage- 
ments as  well  as  mine  whilst  he  did  stay,  made  it  impossible  for  me  to 
impart  to  him,  in  personal  interviews,  the  various  and  voluminous 
matter  embraced  in  my  late  instructions.  Nevertheless,  understanding 
your  request  in  this  respect  as  contained  in  your  number  seventy  two. 


52 

to  mean,  in  its  spirit,  that  he  ought  in  some  way  to  be  afforded  the  op- 
portunity by  me  of  being  made  acquainted  with  it  all,  it  appeared  that 
nothing  was  left  but  to  send  him  the  instructions  themselves.  I  accord- 
ingly transmitted  them  all,  by  a  careful  hand,  to  his  lodgings,  on  the 
morning  of  the  ninth  instant,  that  they  might  remain  by  him  for  perusal 
at  his  own  convenience,  and  they  were  all  safely  returned  to  me  on  the 
day  of  his  departure.  They  consisted  of  your  despatches  from  number 
64  to  72  inclusive,  with  all  their  enclosures. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  etc.,  etc., 

Richard  Rush. 

Honorable  John  Quinct  Adams,  Secretary  of  State. 


RICHARD  RUSH  TO  PRESIDENT  MONROE. 

Private.  London,  September  15,  1823. 

Dear  Sir,  —  Mr.  Canning  was  to  have  returned  from  his  country 
excursion  on  the  11th  instant,  but  I  have  not  yet  heard  if  he  has  got 
back.  In  the  meantime  I  am  giving  myself  up  to  investigations  which 
may  the  better  prepare  me  for  taking  in  hand  the  various  subjects  which 
I  have  been  instructed  to  arrange  by  negociation  with  this  government. 
I  continue  to  feel  their  importance,  and  can  only  again  promise  a  dili- 
gent and  faithful  attention  to  them  all. 

- 1  shall  expect  to  receive  an  invitation  to  an  interview  from  Mr.  Can- 
ning very  shortly  after  he  does  return.  The  topick  of  Spanish  Ameri- 
can affairs,  will  doubtless  be  resumed  in  our  conversations,  and  it  is  my 
intention  to  urge  upon  him  the  immediate  and  unequivocal  recognition 
of  those  new  states,  by  Great  Britain.  Upon  no  other  footing  what- 
ever shall  I  feel  warranted  in  acceding  to  the  proposals  he  has  made 
to  me.  I  shall  continue  to  receive  in  a  conciliatory  manner  his  further 
overtures,  should  he  meditate  any ;  but  I  am  bound  to  own,  that  I  shall 
not  be  able  to  avoid,  at  bottom,  some  distrust  of  the  motives  of  all  such 
advances  to  me,  whether  directly  or  indirectly,  by  this  government,  at 
this  particular  juncture  of  the  world. 

As  regards  the  principles  of  traffick,  and  especially  as  regards  the 
whole  range  of  her  foreign  trade,  we  have,  it  is  true,  witnessed  of  late 
on  the  part  of  this  nation  an  approach  to  more  liberality  than  has  gov- 
erned her  heretofore.  It  is  possible  that  she  may  go  farther  in  this 
policy ;  a  policy  irresistibly  recommended,  and,  as  she  will  not  scruple 
herself  to  admit,  forced  upon  her,  by  the  changing  circumstances  of  the 
commercial  world.  But,  as  regards  the  principles  of  political  freedom, 
whether  in  relation  to  herself  or  other  states,  we  shall  not  find  it  easy 
to  perceive  as  yet  any  such  favorable  alteration  in  her  conduct.  Even 
if  there  be  indications  of  a  coming  change  in  this  latter  line  too,  the 
motives  of  it  are  perhaps  not  all  of  a  nature  to  challenge  our  ready  con- 


53 

fidence  and  cooperation.  We  have  seen  her  wage  a  war  of  20  years 
at  a  cost  of  treasure  and  blood  incalculable,  in  support  of  the  independ- 
ence of  other  states  (as  she  said)  when  that  independence  was  threat- 
ened by  a  movement  proceeding  from  the  people  of  France.  We  have 
seen  her  at  the  close  of  that  contest  abandoning  the  great  interests  of 
the  people  of  other  states,  anxious  apparently  only  about  monarchs 
and  thrones.  We  have  seen  her  at  the  same  epoch  become  in  effect  a 
member  of  the  Holy  Alliance ;  though  she  could  not  in  form,  and  con- 
tinue to  abet  its  principles  up  to  the  attack  on  Naples.  Even  then  the 
separation  was  but  partial,  and,  true  to  her  sympathy  with  the  mo- 
narchical principle,  we  find  her  faith  pledged  and  her  fleets  ready  to 
interpose  not  on  any  new  extremity  of  wrong  or  oppression  to  the 
people  of  Naples,  but  on  any  molestation  to  the  royal  family.  Since 
the  present  year  set  in,  she  has  proclaimed  and  until  now  cautiously 
maintained  her  neutrality  under  an  attack  by  France  upon  the  inde- 
pendence of  Spain,  as  unjust,  as  nefarious,  and  as  cruel,  as  the  annals 
of  mankind  can  recount,  this  attack  having  been  made  upon  the  people 
of  a  country,  by  a  legitimate  king,  urged  on  by  legitimate  nobles.  It 
is  thus  that  Britain  has  been  from  the  very  beginning,  positively  or 
negatively,  auxiliary  to  the  evils  with  which  this  Alliance  under  the 
mark  of  Christianity  has  already  affected  the  old,  and  is  now  menacing 
the  new  world.  It  is  under  this  last  stretch  of  ambition  that  she  seems 
about  to  be  roused,  not,  as  we  seem  forced  to  infer  after  all  we  have 
seen,  from  any  objections  to  the  arbitrary  principles  of  the  Combina- 
tion, for  the  same  men  are  still  substantially  at  the  head  of  her  affairs  ; 
but  rather  from  the  apprehensions  which  are  now  probably  coming  upon 
her,  touching  her  own  influence  and  standing  through  the  formidable 
and  encroaching  career  of  these  continental  potentates.  She  at  last 
perceives  a  crisis  likely  to  come  on,  bringing  with  it  peril  to  her  own 
commercial  prospects  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  to  her 
political  sway  in  both  hemispheres.  Hence  probably  some  of  her  re- 
cent and  remarkable  solicitudes.  The  former  war  of  20  years  more 
than  once  shook  her  prosperity  and  brought  hazards  to  her  existence, 
though  for  the  most  part  she  was  surrounded  by  allies.  A  second  war 
of  like  duration  with  no  ally  for  her  in  Europe  might  not  have  a  second 
field  of  Waterloo  for  its  termination.  Such  are  the  prospective  dangers 
that  possibly  do  not  escape  her. 

The  estimate  which  I  have  formed  of  the  genius  of  this  government, 
as  well  as  of  the  characters  of  the  men  who  direct,  or  who  influence,  all 
its  operations,  would  lead  me  to  fear  that  we  are  not  as  yet  likely  to 
witness  any  very  material  changes  in  the  part  which  Britain  has  acted 
in  the  world  for  the  past  fifty  years,  when  the  cause  of  freedom  has 
been  at  stake ;  the  part  which  she  acted  in  1774  in  America,  which  she 
has  since  acted  in  Europe,  and  is  now  acting  in  Ireland.    I  shall  there- 


54 

fore  find  it  hard  to  keep  from  my  mind  the  suspicion  that  the  approaches 
of  her  ministers  to  me  at  this  portentous  juncture  for  a  concert  of  policy 
which  they  have  not  heretofore  courted  with  the  United  States,  are 
bottomed  on  their  own  calculations.  I  wish  that  I  could  sincerely  see 
in  them  a  true  concern  for  the  rights  and  liberties  of  mankind.  Never- 
theless, whatever  may  be  the  motive  of  these  approaches,  if  they  give 
promise  of  leading  to  good  effects,  effects  which  the  United  States  from 
principle  and  from  policy  would  delight  to  hail,  I  grant  that  a  dispas- 
sionate and  friendly  ear  should  be  turned  to  them,  and  such  shall  be 
my  aim  in  the  duties  before  me. 

In  exhibiting  the  foregoing  summary  of  the  opinions  which  have  been 
impressed  upon  me  during  my  publick  residence  in  this  quarter,  I 
would  not  have  it  inferred  that  I  intend  they  should  comprehend  the 
imputation  of  any  sinister  motives  towards  the  United  States,  as  pecu- 
liar to  the  British  cabinet  as  it  is  now  composed.  I  am  so  far  from 
thinking  so,  that  I  believe  the  present  cabinet  to  be  as  well  disposed 
towards  us  permanently  as  any  party  in  England,  and  at  this  moment 
more  cordially  so  than  any  other  party.  I  believe  that  if  Earl  Grey 
and  his  associates  were  to  come  into  power  tomorrow  that  we  should 
not  get  better  terms,  if  as  good,  in  our  approaching  negociation,  should 
it  come  on,  as  from  Mr.  Canning  and  his  associates.  I  would  say  the 
same  thing  of  a  cabinet  to  be  composed  of  such  men  as  Sir  Francis  Bur- 
dett  and  Mr.  Hobhouse ;  and  should  it  happen  that  Mr.  Canning  and 
Lord  Liverpool  ever  become  actively  and  publickly  in  their  official  places 
the  advocates  of  a  policy  more  intimate  aud  friendly  in  all  respects 
towards  the  United  States  than  any  hitherto  adopted  (a  contingency  not 
impossible,  no  matter  from  what  motives  arising)  I  do  not  fear  to  pre- 
dict that  we  shall  in  the  end  see  the  whigs  and  reformers  the  decided 
opponents  of  such  a  policy.  As  regards  the  beneficent  principle  of 
abolishing  privateering,  for  example,  I  should  little  expect  to  see  the 
whigs  its  patrons,  since  I  have  heard  Sir  James  Macintosh  denounce  it 
in  parliament  since  I  have  been  here. 

I  remain,  dear  sir,  with  the  highest  respect, 

Your  faithful  and  attached  sert 

President  Monroe.^  Richard  Rush. 

EICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

(Rec'dlQNov.) 

No.  334.  London,  October  2,  1823. 

Sir,  —  I  had  another  interview  with  Mr.  Canning  on  the  twenty 

sixth  of  last  month,  at  Gloucester  Lodge,  his  residence  a  short  distance 

from  town. 

1  From  the  Monroe  MSS.,  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 


55 

The  immediate  motive  of  his  inviting  me  to  this  interview  was,  to 
show  me  a  despatch  which  he  had  just  received  from  Sir  Charles 
Stewart,  the  British  Ambassador  at  Paris,  which  had  a  bearing  upon  our 
late  conferences  respecting  Spanish  America.  It  recounted  a  short  con- 
versation which  he  had  had  with  our  charge  d'affaires  at  that  Court, 
Mr.  Sheldon,  the  purport  of  which  was,  that  Sir  Charles  having  taken 
occasion  to  mention  to  Mr.  Sheldon  the  projects  of  France  and  the 
Alliance  upon  Spanish  America,  Mr.  Sheldon  replied  that  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  was  aware  of  them  all,  and  disapproved  of 
them.  Mr.  Canning,  inferring  that  this  reply  of  our  charge  d'affaires 
probably  rested  upon  some  instructions  or  information  from  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  also  inferred  that  it  might  lend  its  aid 
towards  my  consent  to  his  proposals  of  the  20th  of  August.  He  added, 
that  the  despatch  of  Sir  Charles  Stewart  had  proceeded  from  no  previ- 
ous communication  whatever  from  him  (Mr.  Canning)  upon  the  subject, 
but  had  been  altogether  written  on  his  own  motion. 

I  replied,  that  what  instructions  or  information  the  Legation  of  the 
United  States  at  Paris  might  have  received  upon  this  subject,  I  could 
not  undertake  to  say  with  confidence  ;  but  that  I  scarcely  believed  any 
had  reached  it  which  were  not  common  to  me.  That  certainly  I  had 
none,  other  than  those  general  instructions  which  I  had  already  men- 
tioned to  him,  evidently  never  framed  to  meet  the  precise  crisis  which 
he  supposed  to  be  at  hand  respecting  Spanish  America,  but  under  the 
comprehensive  spirit  of  which  I  was  nevertheless  willing  to  go  forward 
with  him  in  his  proposals  upon  the  terms  I  had  stated,  in  the  hope  of 
meeting  this  crisis. 

He  now  declared  that  this  government  felt  great  embarrassments  as 
regarded  the  immediate  recognition  of  these  new  states,  embarrass- 
ments which  had  not  been  common  to  the  United  States,  and  asked 
whether  I  could  not  give  my  assent  to  his  proposals  on  a  promise  by 
Great  Britain  oi  future  acknowledgment.  To  this  intimation  I  gave 
an  immediate  and  unequivocal  refusal.  Further  conversation  passed 
between  us  though  chiefly  of  a  desultory  nature,  (it  shall  be  reported  at 
a  future  time,)  and  the  conference  ended  by  his  saying  that  he  would 
invite  me  to  another  interview  in  the  course  of  a  few  days. 

Having  waited  until  now  without  yet  hearing  from  him,  I  have 
concluded  to  write  you  thus  much  of  what  passed  on  the  26th,  without 
more  delay.  It  does  not  fall  within  any  of  my  intentions  to  accede 
to  Mr.  Canning's  overtures  but  on  the  basis  of  a  previous  and  explicit 
acknowledgment  of  the  new  states  by  this  government  in  manner  as 
formal  and  ample  in  all  respects  as  was  done  by  the  United  States, 
whose  act  of  acknowledgment  will  be  the  example  upon  which  I  shall 
stand.  Even  then,  the  guarded  manner  in  which  alone  my  consent 
will  be  given  when  I  come  to  use  the  name  of  my  government,  will,  I 


56 

trust,  be  found  to  free  the  step  from  all  serious  exception  on  my  part, 
should  I  finally  take  it. 

I  cannot  be  unaware,  that  in  this  whole  transaction  the  British 
cabinet  are  striving  for  their  own  ends;  yet  if  these  ends  promise  in 
this  instance  to  be  also  auspicious  to  the  safety  and  independence  of 
all  Spanish  America,  I  persuade  myself  that  we  cannot  look  upon  them 
but  with  approbation.  England  it  is  true  has  given  her  countenance, 
and  still  does,  to  all  the  evils  with  which  the  holy  Alliance  have 
afflicted  Europe;  but  if  she  at  length  has  determined  to  stay  the 
career  of  their  formidable  and  despotick  ambition  in  the  other  hemis- 
phere, the  United  States  seem  to  owe  it  to  all  the  policy  and  to  all  the 
principles  of  their  system,  to  hail  the  effects  whatever  may  be  the 
motives  of  her  conduct. 

Mr.  Canning  at  the  close  of  the  above  interview,  expressed  his 
desire,  that  in  informing  my  government  of  his  communications  to  me, 
I  would  treat  them  as  entirely  confidential,  as  well  the  verbal  as  the 
written  ;  the  more  so  if  no  act  resulted  from  them.  That  no  act  will 
result  from  them,  is  my  present  belief. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  with  very  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Richard  Rush. 
Honorable  John  Quinct  Adams,  Secretary  of  State. 


RICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

(Rec'd  19  Nov.) 

No.  336.  London,  October  10,  1823. 

Sir,  —  At  the  conference  with  Mr.  Canning  the  day  before  yester- 
day, he  said  nothing  of  Spanish  American  affairs,  except  barely  to 
remark  at  parting,  that  he  should  send  off  consuls  to  the  new  states 
very  soon,  perhaps  in  the  course  of  this  month.  I  asked  whether 
consuls  or  commercial  agents.  He  said  he  believed  they  might  as  well 
be  called  by  the  former  name,  as  they  would  be  invested  with  the 
powers  and  charged  with  the  duties  that  belonged  to  the  consular 
oflSce.  I  asked  if  they  would  be  received  in  that  capacity  by  the  gov- 
ernments between  which  and  Great  Britain  no  political  or  diplomatic 
relations  had  yet  been  formed.  He  said,  that  this  he  did  not  know 
with  any  certainty ;  he  rather  supposed  that  they  would  be  received. 

I  saw  him  again  at  the  foreign  office  yesterday,  and  he  said  not  one 
single  word  relative  to  South  America,  although  the  occasion  was 
altogether  favorable  for  resuming  the  topick,  had  he  been  disposed  to 
resume  it.  I  therefore  consider  that  all  further  discussion  between  us 
in  relation  to  it  is  now  at  an  end.  I  had  myself  regarded  the  ques- 
tions involved  in  the  discussion  as  essentially  changed  by  the  arrival 


57 

of  the  news  of  the  convention  of  the  4th  of  July  between  Buenos 
Ayres  and  the  commissioners  from  Spain ;  and  of  the  complete 
annihilation  of  the  remnant  of  the  royal  forces  in  Colombia  under 
Morales,  on  the  third  of  August,  both  which  pieces  of  intelligence  have 
reached  England  since  the  twenty  sixth  of  September,  the  date  of  my 
last  conference  with  Mr.  Canning  on  the  South  American  subject. 

The  termination  of  the  discussion  between  us  may  be  thought  some- 
what sudden,  not  to  say  abrupt,  considering  how  zealously  as  well  as 
spontaneously  it  was  started  on  his  side.  As  I  did  not  commence  it, 
it  is  not  my  intention  to  revive  it.  If  I  had  actually  acceded  to  his 
proposals,  I  should  have  endeavored  to  have  placed  my  conduct  in  a 
satisfactory  light  before  the  President.  The  motives  of  it  would  not, 
I  flatter  myself,  have  been  disapproved.  But  as  the  whole  subject  is 
now  before  my  government,  and  as  I  shall  do  nothing  further  in  it 
without  instructions,  I  should  deem  it  out  of  place  to  travel  into  any 
new  reasons  in  support  of  a  step  not  in  fact  taken. 

Mr.  Canning  not  having  acceded  to  my  proposal,  nor  I  to  his,  we 
stand  as  we  were  before  his  first  advance  to  me,  with  the  exception 
only  of  the  light  which  the  intervening  discussion  may  be  supposed  to 
have  shed  upon  the  dispositions  and  policy  of  England  in  this  im- 
portant matter.  It  appears  that  having  ends  of  her  own  in  view,  she 
has  been  anxious  to  facilitate  their  accomplishment  by  invoking  my 
auxiliary  offices  as  the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  this  court ;  but 
as  to  the  independence  of  the  new  states  of  America,  for  their  own 
benefit,  that  this  seems  quite  another  question  in  her  diplomacy.  It  is 
France  that  must  not  be  aggrandized,  not  South  America  that  must 
be  made  free.  The  former  doctrine  may  fitly  enough  return  upon 
Britain  as  part  of  her  permanent  political  creed ;  but  not  having  been 
taught  to  regard  it  as  also  incorporated  with  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
United  States,  I  have  forborne  to  give  it  gratuitous  succour.  I  would 
have  brought  myself  to  minister  to  it  incidentally  on  this  occasion, 
only  in  return  for  a  boon  which  it  was  in  the  power  of  Britain  herself 
to  have  offered;  a  boon  that  might  have  closed  the  sufferings  and 
brightened  the  prospects  of  those  infant  Republics  emerging  from  the 
new  world,  and  seeming  to  be  connected  as  by  a  great  moral  chain 
with  our  own  destinies. 

Whether  any  fresh  explanations  with  France  since  the  fall  of  Cadiz 
may  have  brought  Mr.  Canning  to  so  full  and  sudden  a  pause  with 
me,  I  do  not  know,  and  most  likely  never  shall  know  if  events  so  fall 
out  that  Great  Britain  no  longer  finds  it  necessary  to  seek  the  aid 
of  the  United  States  in  furtherance  of  her  schemes  of  counteraction 
as  against  France  or  Russia.  That  the  British  cabinet,  and  the 
governing  portion  of  the  British  nation,  will  rejoice  at  heart  in  the 
downfal   of   the  constitutional  system  in  Spain,  I  have  never  had  a 

8 


58 

doubt  and  have  not  now,  so  long  as  this  catastrophe  can  be  kept  from 
crossing  the  path  of  British  interests  and  British  ambition.  This 
nation  in  its  collective,  corporate,  capacity  has  no  more  sympathy 
with  popular, .  rights  and  freedom  now,  than  it  had  on  the  plains  of 
Lexington  in  America ;  than  it  showed  during  the  whole  progress  of 
the  French  revolution  in  Europe,  or  at  the  close  of  its  first  great  act,  at 
Vienna,  in  1815  ;  than  it  exhibited  lately  at  Naples  in  proclaiming  a 
neutrality  in  all  other  events,  save  that  of  the  safety  of  the  ro3'al  family 
there ;  or,  still  more  recently,  when  it  stood  aloof  whilst  France  and 
the  Holy  Alliance  avowed  their  intention  of  crushing  the  liberties 
of  unoffending  Spain,  of  crushing  them  too  upon  pretexts  so  wholly 
unjustifiable  and  enormous  that  English  ministers,  for  very  shame,  were 
reduced  to  the  dilemma  of  speculatively  protesting  against  them,  whilst 
they  allowed  them  to  go  into  full  action.  With  a  king  in  the  hands  of 
his  ministers,  with  an  aristocracy  of  unbounded  opulence  and  pride, 
with  what  is  called  a  house  of  commons  constituted  essentially  by  this 
aristocracy  and  always  moved  by  its  influence,  England  can,  in  reality, 
never  look  with  complacenc}^  upon  popular  and  equal  rights,  whether 
abroad  or  at  home.  She  therefore  moves  in  her  natural  orbit  when 
she  wars,  positively  or  negatively,  against  them.  For  their  own  sakes 
alone,  she  will  never  .war  in  their  fayor. 

In  the  conference  with  Mr.  Canning  at  Gloucester  Lodge  on  the 
26th  of  last  month,  he  informed  me  that  this  government  had  sent  out 
three  commissioners  to  Mexico  with  objects  such  as  I  have  already 
stated  in  a  former  communication  to  you.  Should  the  course  and 
progress  of  events  after  their  arrival  in  Mexico,  render  recognition  by 
Great  Britain  advisable,  one  of  these  commissioners  was  furnished,  he 
said,  with  contingent  credentials  to  be  minister,  another  would  be  con- 
stituted secretary  of  Legation,  and  the  third  consul.  He  also  said  that 
these  appointments,  as  well  as  those  of  commercial  agents  or  consuls, 
whichsoever  they  might  be,  to  go  to  the  new  states  generally,  would 
probably  have  the  effect  of  inviting  in  the  end  further  approaches  from 
them  all,  to  an  intercourse  with  Great  Britain,  which  approaches,  should 
they  be  made,  might  be  met  by  Great  Britain,  according  to  circumstances. 

It  may  perhaps  afford  room  for  conjecture  what  has  led  to  the  pref- 
erence of  Mexico  over  the  other  ex-colonies  for  such  a  provisionary 
diplomatic  representation.  I  have  heard  a  rumour,  that  an  eye  to  some 
immediate  advantage  from  the  mines  of  that  country  has  been  the 
motive.  Whilst  the  independence  of  Mexico  has  been  of  more  recent 
establishment,  it  seems  not  less  true,  that  her  advances  to  internal  sta- 
bility have  been  less  sure  than  we  have  seen  in  some  of  the  other  new 
states.  Mr.  Canning  himself  in  one  of  our  conversations  thought  fit  to 
select  Mexico  as  aff*ording  a  prominent  illustration  of  interior  disquiet. 
Whether  then  the  above  rumour  is  the  key  to  this  early  preference,  or 


59 

the  proximity  of  this  new  state  to  the  territories  of  the  United  States  — 
or  what  considerations  may  have  led  to  it,  a  little  more  time  will  prob- 
ably disclose.  It  may  rest  on  the  mere  fact  of  her  greater  population 
and  riches. 

Mr.  Canning  also  informed  me,  that  orders  would  be  given  by  this 
government  to  its  squadron  in  the  West  Indies,  to  protect  the  trade  of 
British  subjects  (to  the  extent  of  making  reprisals  if  necessary)  with 
the  Spanish  colonies,  in  case  the  licence  for  this  trade  which  the  Cortes 
granted  in  January  last  was  not  renewed.  It  will  be  recollected,  that 
the  same  decree  of  the  Cortes  in  that  month  which  settled,  under  a 
threat  of  reprisals,  the  British  claims  upon  Spain  for  captures,  laid 
open  the  trade  of  the  ultra  marine  provinces  to  Britain  for  ten  years. 
This  period  of  time  being  upon  the  eve  of  expiring,  the  intention  of 
Britain  is,  to  revive  the  orders  for  reprisals  by  her  squadron,  unless  the 
time  be  extended. 

So  much  for  a  measure  against  Spain  in  her  present  extremity.  It 
will  next  be  seen  that  her  ex-colonies  come  in  for  their  share  of  this 
prompt  and  summary  species  of  remedy  of  which  Britain  is  setting  other 
nations  the  example,  for  Mr.  Canning  also  informed  me  that  if  the  Co- 
lombian government  did  not  make  speedy  reparation  for  the  alleged 
aggression  committed  upon  a  British  ship  by  the  fort  at  Bocachica  at 
the  entrance  of  the  bay  of  Carthagena,  orders  would  be  given  to  block- 
ade that  port.  He  remarked  that  the  blockade  would  be  confined  merely 
to  Bocachica  as  a  measure  of  local  redress,  other  satisfaction  having 
been  refused,  and  that  it  was  intended  that  an  explanation  to  this 
effect  should  be  given  to  the  government  of  Colombia,  through  a  neutral 
minister  residing  at  that  government.  He  added  that  his  wish  was, 
that  the  minister  of  the  United  States  should  be  the  channel  of  com- 
munication. Into  the  detail  of  circumstances  that  belong  to  this  alleged 
aggression  Mr.  Canning  did  not  go.  From  the  account  I  have  had  of 
it  from  the  Colombian  minister  in  this  city,  Mr.  Bavenga,  I  infer  and 
believe  that  the  offence  was  on  the  side  of  the  British  ship. 

The  subject  of  blockade  being  mentioned,  Mr.  Canning  asked  me  if 
I  knew  in  what  manner  my  government  would  be  likely  to  view  the 
turning  off  of  our  frigate  by  the  French  squadron  from  before  Cadiz, 
with  our  ministers  Mr.  Nelson  and  Mr.  Rodney  on  board.  I  said  that 
I  did  not,  and  in  turn  asked  him  how  England  would  act  under  similar 
circumstances.  His  first  reply  consisted  of  an  expression  of  his  satis- 
faction that  England  had  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape  from  such  a 
difficulty  at  this  juncture,  and  that  the  question  had  fallen  into  such 
good  hands  as  ours !  But  next  I  asked,  how  a  British  blockading 
force  would  treat  a  neutral  frigate  under  the  same  circumstances.  He 
said  he  would  be  quite  candid  in  his  answer ;  that,  all  things  considered, 
it  did  not  become  England  to  reason  down  maritime  or  helUgerent 


60 

doctrines;  that  the  case  was  an  unusual  one;  he  recollected  in  modem 
history  hut  one  other  instance  of  a  besieged  king,  which  was  that  of 
the  king  of  Denmark ;  that  had  a  neutral  ship  of  war,  a  Eussian  frigate 
for  example,  attempted  to  enter  the  harbour  of  Copenhagen  when  the 
British  fleet  was  investing  it,  the  Captain  alleging  that  he  was  carrying  a 
letter  to  the  Danish  king,  he  must  say  that  he  thought  the  British 
admiral  would  not  have  permitted  the  frigate  to  pass  for  such  a  purpose ; 
he  even  inclined  to  believe,  that  a  neutral  vessel  of  war  would  not  have 
been  allowed  to  pass  under  such  circumstances,  for  any  purpose.  These 
were  his  sentiments  though  he  spoke,  he  said,  without  any  full  or  exact 
examination  of  the  subject. 

I  replied,  that  neither  was  I  master  of  the  subject,  though  awake  to 
the  interest  of  it;  that  I  had,  from  a  personal  curiosity,  been  turning 
in  a  cursory  manner  to  some  of  the  admiralty  books  in  the  hope  of  get- 
ting light  upon  it,  but  as  yet  could  only  say  that  I  had  found  nothing. 
I  was  disposed  to  think  that  book  learning  upon  the  point  would  be 
found  scanty,  and  that  it  would  have  to  be  decided  by  recurring  to 
principles.  Nothing  further  was  said  on  the  subject,  and  I  must  own 
that  I  draw  no  very  favorable  augury  to  parts  of  our  coming  negocia- 
tion,  from  as  much  as  fell  from  him  whilst  we  were  upon  it. 

Throughout  the  progress  of  our  discussion  on  Spanish  American 
affairs,  I  thought  it  proper  to  apprize  Mr.  Ravenga,  confidentially,  of  all 
that  was  going  on.  I  take  this  opportunity  of  saying,  that  I  have  had 
equal  pleasure  in  all  my  personal  intercourse  with  this  gentleman,  and 
in  my  attempts  to  subserve  the  interests  of  his  country. 

At  the  close  of  my  interview  with  Mr.  Canning  I  took  occasion  to  say 
to  him,  that,  if  no  objections  existed  to  the  request,  I  should  be  glad  to 
be  furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  note  from  Count  Nesselrode  to  Count 
Lieven  relative  to  the  Russian  ukase,  of  which  I  have  made  mention 
in  my  number  323.  He  replied  that  he  would  have  been  happy  to 
comply  with  my  request,  but  that  having  asked  Count  Lieven  for  per- 
mission to  give  out  a  copy  of  the  note,  the  Count  had  said  that  he  did 
not  feel  authorized  to  grant  a  copy  with  that  view. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  with  very  great  respect, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

Richard  Rush. 
Honorable  John  Quinct  Adams,  Secretary  of  State.i 

1  "  The  Spanish  American  topick  has  been  dropped  by  Mr.  Canning  in  a  most 
extraordinary  manner.  Not  another  word  has  he  said  to  me  on  it  since  the  26**^ 
of  last  month,  at  the  interview  at  Gloucester  Lodge,  which  I  have  described  in 
my  despatches  to  the  department,  and  he  has  now  gone  out  of  town  to  spend  the 
remainder  of  this,  and  part  of  the  next  month.  I  shall  not  renew  the  topick,  and 
should  he,  which  I  do  not  expect,  I  shall  decline  going  into  it  again,  saying  that 
I  must  now  wait  until  I  hear  from  my  government."  Rush  to  Monroe,  22 
October,  1823. 


61 


DANIEL  SHELDON  TO  JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

(private)  Paris,  30  October,  1823. 

Sir,  —  Soon  after  the  date  of  my  dispatch  of  the  18th  of  this  month, 
I  was  informed  by  the  British  Embassador  that  he  had  conferred  with 
the  French  Ministers  (M.  de  Chateaubriand  and  M.  de  Villele)  on  the 
subject  of  the  Spanish  American  Colonies.  He  told  me  that  his  object 
had  been  to  prevent  them  from  engaging  hastily  in  any  measures  relat- 
ing to  those  Colonies,  and  that  he  had  insisted  that  whatever  measures 
might  be  taken  should  be  adopted  in  common  and  after  consultation 
among  the  powers  really  interested  in  the  question,  which  were  Eng- 
land, France,  and  the  U.  S.  alone,  the  interest  of  the  great  Continental 
Powers  of  Europe  being,  on  this  particular  point  only,  of  a  secondary 
nature.  The  french  Ministers  assured  him  that  they  would  undertake 
nothing  by  themselves,  and  that  the  subject  would  be  brought  forward 
for  mutual  consideration.  In  the  Journal  des  Debats,  the  Ministerial 
paper,  of  to  day,  will  be  found  an  article,  confirming  entirely  this  prin- 
ciple. It  is  however  most  probable  that  France  will  insist  upon  the 
concurrence  of  the  Continental  Powers  and  will  reject  entirely  that  of 
the  U.  S.  The  subject  has  never  been  mentioned  to  me  in  any  way 
whatever  by  any  of  the  French  ministers.  The  motive  for  this  course 
on  their  part  is  obvious  enough ;  —  the  United  States  having  acknowl- 
edged the  independence  of  the  Colonies,  they  cannot  be  expected  to 
concur  in  or  assent  to  any  measures  not  having  that  result  for  their 
basis ;  and  they  are  not  yet  prepared  here  to  go  that  length,  though  it 
is  difficult  to  conceive  that  England  would  consent  to  any  plan  which 
would  again  place  the  Colonies  under  the  dominion  of  Spain.  At  all 
events,  no  steps  are  likely  to  be  taken  hastily  or  immediately  in  rela- 
tion to  those  countries;  and,  indeed,  the  affairs  of  the  mother  Country 
will  yet  require  for  some  time  all  the  cares  of  this  Government.  The 
Article  of  the  Journal  des  debats  announces  that  Councils  of  modera- 
tion have  at  last  made  some  impression  on  the  King.  The  course  he 
was  taking  alarmed  not  only  the  Ministry,  but  the  Politicians  here 
who  are  many  degrees  higher  toned  than  the  Ministry.  Even  Kussia 
is  obliged  to  insist  upon  moderation,  and  Pozzo,  who  is  gone  to  Madrid, 
will  exercise  the  influence  of  that  Power  to  soften  down  the  system 
the  King  is  disposed  to  adopt,  and  which,  from  his  untractable  nature, 
there  is  great  difficulty  in  persuading  him  to  abandon.  I  have  the 
honor  to  be,  with  great  Respect,  Sir,  your  most  Obed'  &  very  humble 
servant  (s^)  D^  Sheldon  j^ 

The  Hon :  John  Quincy  Adams,  Secretary  of  State,  Washington. 

(Endorsement)  private  Oct'  30,  1823.    M'  Sheldon  to  M'  Adams. i 

1  From  the  Monroe  Papers  in  the  Department  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 


62 


RICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

No.  346.  London,  November  26, 1823. 

Sir,  —  I  had  an  interview  with  Mr.  Canning  on  the  twenty  fourth 
instant,  at  the  foreign  office,  when  he  afforded  me  some  information  on 
Spanish  American  affairs  which  I  now  proceed  to  lay  before  you. 

He  began  by  saying  that  our  conversations  on  this  subject  at  Glouces- 
ter Lodge,  (on  the  26th  of  September,)  having  led  him  to  conclude 
that  nothing  could  be  accomplished  between  us,  owing  to  the  ground 
which  I  had  felt  it  necessary  to  take  respecting  the  immediate  recog- 
nition of  the  late  colonies  by  Great  Britain,  he  had  deemed  it  indis- 
pensable as  no  more  time  was  to  be  lost,  that  Great  Britain  should 
herself,  without  any  concert  with  the  United  States,  come  to  an 
explanation  with  France.  He  had,  accordingly,  seen  the  Prince  de 
Polignac,  the  French  Ambassador  at  this  court,  and  stated  to  him  that 
as  it  was  fit  that  the  two  courts  should  understand  each  other,  dis- 
tinctly, on  the  Spanish  American  question,  it  was  his  intention  to 
unfold  the  views  of  Great  Britain  in  an  official  note  to  him,  the 
prince,  or  to  Sir  Charles  Stewart,  the  British  Ambassador  at  Paris,  to 
be  communicated  to  the  French  Court;  or  in  the  form  of  an  oral  con- 
ference with  the  Prince  himself,  —  whichever  of  these  modes  the  latter 
might  indicate  as  preferable.  The  Prince  taking  some  interval  to 
decide,  it  was  finally  agreed  to  adopt  the  method  of  oral  conference, 
with  the  precaution  of  making  a  minute  of  the  conversation;  so  that 
each  government  might  have  in  its  possession  a  record  of  what  passed, 
to  be  previously  assented  to,  as  correct  on  both  sides. 

In  pursuance  of  this  course  Mr.  Canning  held  several  conferences 
with  the  Prince  de  Polignac,  in  the  early  part  of  October,  in  which 
each  party  unfolded  the  views  of  their  respective  governments,  on  this 
branch  of  public  affairs,  and  agreed  upon  the  written  memorandum  or 
paper  which  was  to  embody  them. 

This  paper  Mr.  Canning  said  was  of  a  nature  which  did  not  leave 
him  at  liberty  to  offer  me  a  copy  of  it;  but  he  had  invited  me  to  the 
foreign  office,  for  the  purpose  of  reading  it  to  me,  having  only  since 
his  return  to  town  last  week  exhibited  it  to  the  ministers  of  other 
powers,  and  not  yet  to  all  of  them. 

He  accordingly  read  the  paper  to  me.  When  he  had  closed,  I  said 
to  him,  notwithstanding  what  had  previously  fallen  from  him  about 
not  giving  a  copy  of  it,  that  its  whole  matter  was  so  interwoven  with 
our  past  discussions,  verbal  and  written,  upon  the  same  subject,  that  I 
could  not  help  thinking  that  my  government  would  naturally  expect  a 
copy,  as  the  regular  termination  of  a  subject,  the  previous  stages  of 
which  it  had  been  my  special  duty  to  make  known  to  my  government. 


63 

To  this  remark  he  replied  that  he  would  willingly  furnish  me  with  a 
copy  of  that  part  of  it  which  embodied  the  views  of  this  government, 
but  that,  where  those  of  France  were  at  stake,  he  did  not  feel  that  he 
had  the  same  discretion;  upon  which  footing  my  remarks  was  left 
without  more  commentary. 

I  am  therefore  relieved  from  the  task  of  recapitulating  to  you  the 
contents  of  that  portion  of  this  paper  of  which  I  may  expect  to  receive 
a  copy.  The  points  which  chiefly  arrested  my  attention,  as  new  to 
me,  (and  these  I  now  communicate  without  waiting  for  the  paper 
itself)  were,  that  Great  Britain  declares  that  she  will  recognize  the 
independence  of  the  colonies,  first,  in  case  France  should  employ 
force  in  aid  of  their  re- subjugation  ;  or,  secondly,  in  case  Spain  herself 
reverting  to  her  ancient  system^  should  attempt  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
trade  of  Britain  with  those  colonies.  But  it  is  not  said  what  Britain 
will  do  beyond  recognizing  their  independence,  her  ulterior  conduct 
being  left  to  be  shaped,  as  we  may  infer,  by  ulterior  events.  She 
claims  a  right  to  trade  with  the  colonies,  on  the  footing  of  a  permis- 
sion given  by  Spain  herself  so  long  back  as  1810,  as  an  equivalent 
for  British  mediation,  offered  at  that  day  between  the  parent  state  and 
the  colonies.  As  regards  the  form  of  government  most  desirable  for 
the  colonies  as  independent  states,  a  preference  is  expressed  for 
monarchy,  could  it  be  practicable. 

With  the  exception  of  the  foregoing  points,  I  recollect  nothing 
material  in  the  paper  as  regards  the  policy  or  intentions  of  Great 
Britain,  not  heretofore  made  known  in  my  own  communications  upon 
this  subject,  beginning  with  that  of  the  19th  of  August,  and  continued 
in  my  numbers  325,  326,  330,  334  and  336.  The  letter  of  Mr.  Can- 
ning to  Sir  Charles  Stuart  of  the  31st.  of  March,  1823,  is  still  assumed 
as  the  basis  of  the  policy  of  Great  Britain. 

To  report,  with  the  requisite  fidelity,  the  views  of  France,  from  this 
paper  read  over  but  once  to  me,  I  might  find  an  office  more  hazardous, 
from  the  fact  of  my  having  had  less  acquaintance  beforehand  with 
them.  I  shall,  therefore,  not  attempt  to  do  so,  with  any  detail,  from 
a  fear  that  I  might  err.  I  have  also  the  confident  hope  that  an  entire 
copy  of  it,  although  not  given  to  me,  will  get  to  your  hands,  through 
some  other  channel.  I  am  not  able  for  my  own  share  to  discern  the 
adequate  motives  for  wrapping  it  up  in  such  secrecy,  and  have  little 
doubt  but  that  even  the  public  journals  of  Europe  will,  before  very 
long,  enlighten  us,  with  sufiicient  precision,  upon  all  its  contents. 
The  London  journals  of  the  present  week  have  themselves  made  a 
beginning  towards  this  end. 

Having  said  thus  much,  I  will  proceed  in  my  endeavours,  to  state 
the  main  points  of  this  paper  where  it  was  illustrative  of  the  policy  of 
France. 


64 

1.  It  declares  that  France,  like  England,  regards  Ihe  recovery  of 
the  colonies  by  Spain  as  hopeless. 

2.  It  expresses  the  determination  (I  think  this  was  the  very  word), 
of  France,  not  to  assist  Spain  in  attempting  their  re-conquest. 

3.  It  expresses  the  desire  of  France  to  see  the  dispute  made  up  by 
amicable  arrangements,  between  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies. 

4.  It  disclaims  for  France  all  idea  of  deriving  exclusive  commercial 
advantages  from  the  colonies,  saying  that,  like  England,  she  only  asks 
to  be  placed  on  the  footing  of  the  most  favored  nation,  after  Spain. 

5.  It  knows  not  what  there  is  to  be  recognized  as  independent 
in  the  colonies,  France  regarding  all  government  there  as  a  mockery. 
The  reasoning  employed  is  to  this  effect. 

6.  It  labors  to  show  the  necessity  of  assembling  a  congress,  to 
which  England  should  be  a  party,  (which  she  declines)  to  bring  about 
the  benevolent  end  of  reclaiming  those  remote  regions  from  their  past 
errors,  and  making  up  the  dispute  between  them  and  the  parent  state, 
upon  terms  satisfactory  to  both,  as  the  policy  worthy  of  both  ! 

These  were  the  material  points  of  the  paper,  as  I  collected  them. 
I  am  sensible  that  I  state  some  of  them  in  a  way  to  start  further 
questions  as  to  their  true  meaning,  questions  which  I  could  myself 
raise,  without,  at  this  moment,  being  able  to  resolve  them.  Whether, 
among  other  things,  France  is  to  abstain  from  all  kinds  of  aid  to 
Spain,  (force  she  says  she  will  not  employ)  does  not  appear  quite  clear 
to  my  recollection.  The  apprehensions  of  Britain  however  seem  to  be 
fully  allayed,  at  least  for  the  present,  on  the  score  of  French  aggran- 
dizement in  Spanish  America,  and  it  is  certain  that  she  does  not  now 
anticipate  any  speedy  interruption  of  the  peace  of  Europe  from  this 
cause. 

Whether  her  apprehensions  on  this  score  were  ever  real,  notwith- 
standing Mr.  Canning's  advances  to  me,  or  whether  France,  from 
uneasiness  at  a  prospect  of  collision  with  Britain,  has,  herself,  re- 
ceded, for  a  while,  from  her  ambitious  projects,  and  only  for  a  while, 
are  points  around  which  there  may  be  some  obscurity.  The  language 
which  she  now  holds  to  Britain  is  obviously  at  variance  with  that 
which  her  manifestos  breathed  when  her  troops  entered  Spain  in 
the  spring.  Her  duplicity,  therefore,  in  this  whole  peninsular  war, 
from  her  memorable  avowals  respecting  the  cordon  sanitaire,  to  the 
present  time,  appears  to  have  been  as  signal  as  her  ambition. 

In  the  course  of  the  paper  on  the  British  side,  there  is  allusion  to 
the  interest  that  the  United  States  have  in  the  question,  which  is 
met,  on  the  side  of  France  by  a  declaration  that  she  does  not  profess 
to  be  acquainted  with  our  views  on  the  subject.  It  is  in  the  part 
which  relates  to  the  assembling  of  a  congress.  I  might  probably  have 
made  myself  more  accurately  master  of  the  whole  paper,  by  recurring, 


65 

in  conversation,  to  a  few  of  the  passages  after  Mr.  Canning  had  finished 
reading  it ;  hut  I  was  precluded  the  opportunity  of  doing  this  from  his 
heing  pressed,  (whether  by  his  previous  wishes  or  otherwise,  I  will 
not  say)  with  another  appointment,  a  very  few  moments  after  he  had 
closed. 

Notwithstanding  the  tranquillizing  professions  of  Erance,  it  would 
seem  that  the  sentiments  of  Russia,  (if  we  may  so  infer  from  Pozzo  di 
Borgo's  address  to  Ferdinand,  which  has  just  come  before  the  world) 
are,  that  the  Holy  Alliance  consider  themselves  as  still  bound  to  keep 
a  superintending  eye  upon  the  affairs  of  Spain,  throughout  all  her 
dominions. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain  with  very  great  respect,  your  obedient 
servant, 

ElCHARD    RUSH.^ 


GEORGE  CANNING  TO  RICHARD  RUSH. 

Private  &  Confidential. 

Gloucester  Lodge,  Dec^  13,  1823. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  In  transmitting  to  you  a  copy  of  the  memoran- 
dum of  a  Conference  between  the  French  Ambassador  and  me,  upon 
the  affairs  of  Spanish  America,  (which  I  had  the  honor  to  read  to  you 
yesterday)  I  am  naturally  led  to  revert  to  what  passed  between  us  in 
the  summer  upon  that  subject. 

Had  you  had  it  in  your  power,  at  that  time,  to  concur  in  any  joint 
consideration  of  the  measures  to  be  adopted,  you  know  how  happy  I 
should  have  been  to  be  enabled  to  propose  such  a  concert.  But  time, 
and  the  pressure  of  events  did  not  allow  of  an  indefinite  postponement 
of  a  matter,  which  was  liable,  from  day  to  day,  to  be  brought  into 
immediate  discussion  by  other  Powers.  Our  step  was  therefore  taken 
within  a  few  weeks  after  the  last  interchange  of  confidential  letters 
between  us.  The  result  is  before  you.  You  will  see  that  we  were 
not  unmindful  of  your  claim  to  be  heard:  but  I  flatter  myself  that 
neither  you  nor  we  shall  now  have  to  lift  our  voice  against  any  of  the 
designs  which  were  apprehended  a  few  months  ago. 

I  am  sure  you  will  feel.  Sir,  and  I  trust  it  will  be  felt  by  your 
Government  that  the  confidence  which  I  individually  reposed  in  you 
is  sacred;  and  that  our  intercourse  in  August  not  having  led  to  any 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS.  "  The  conduct  of  England  on  this  question  [South 
America],  as  it  seems  to  me,  has  turned  out  to  be  devoid  of  all  justice,  of  all 
magnanimity,  and  even  of  all  true  foresight  and  policy.  She  at  last  declares 
that  she  will  recognize,  not  because  the  new  states  are  de  facto  independent  and 
entitled  to  it;  but  she  issues  her  intentions  in  the  light  of  a  threat  to  be  executed 
on  the  contingent  misdeeds  of  France  or  Spain."  Rush  to  Monroe,  1  December, 
1823. 

9 


66 

practical  result,  nor  become  matter  of  discussion  between  our  respective 
governments  will  be  considered  as  having  passed  between  two  individ- 
uals relying  upon  each  others  honour  and  discretion. 

I  communicate  the  paper  to  you  in  such  a  way,  as  to  relieve  you 
from  any  difficulty  in  transmitting  it  to  your  Government. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  esteem  and  regard,  my  dear  Sir, 
your  obed*  &  faithful  servant, 

George  Canning.^ 


RICHARD  RUSH  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE. 

No.  354.  London,  December  27, 1823. 

Sir,  —  In  my  letter  No.  346  of  the  26th  of  November,  I  had  the 
honor  to  mention  that  I  requested  of  Mr.  Canning  a  copy  of  the  paper 
which  he  read  to  me  embodying  the  view^s  of  England  and  France  rel- 
ative to  Spanish  America,  and  that  he  replied  that  he  would  do  so  of 
as  much  of  it  as  related  to  England,  but  that  over  the  portion  of  it  that 
contained  the  exposition  of  the  views  of  France  he  did  not  feel  that  he 
was  at  liberty  to  exercise  the  same  option.  The  attempt  to  draw  this 
line  seemed  to  me  at  the  time  unnecessary,  and  perhaps  would  have 
been  found  not  very  easy  in  practice,  and  accordingly  in  the  interview 
which  I  had  with  Mr.  Canning  on  the  twelfth  of  this  month  referring 
again  to  the  above  paper,  and  to  the  request  I  had  made  of  him  to  be 
furnished  with  a  copy  of  the  whole  of  it,  he  said  that  he  now  felt  him- 
self able  to  comply,  the  French  Government  having  furnished  other 
states  with  a  copy  of  it;  and  he  promised  to  send  me  the  entire  copy 
in  a  few  days.  I  have  abstained  from  mentioning  this  promise  to  you 
in  my  intermediate  communications,  preferring  to  wait  until  the  paper 
itself  reached  me. 

I  have  this  day  received  it  accompanied  by  a  note  from  Mr.  Can- 
ning, dated  the  13th  instant,  and  headed  "  Confidential,"  in  which  he 
informs  me  that  I  am  at  liberty  to  communicate  it  to  my  government, 
but  only  as  a  confidential  paper,  not  to  be  made  public  in  the  United 
States.  A  note  of  a  few  lines  from  Mr.  Planta  dated  yesterday,  ex- 
plains the  delay  which  has  taken  place  in  sending  it  to  me.  Another 
note  from  Mr.  Canning,  dated  also  on  the  13th  instant,  and  headed 
"  private  and  confidential  "  was  received  at  the  same  time,  in  which  he 
reverts  to  what  passed  between  us  in  the  summer  on  this  Spanish 
American  question,  states  his  reason  for  having  gone  on  to  act  without 
my  concurrence,  and  intimates  a  hope  that  neither  the  United  States 
nor  Great  Britain  will  now  be  called  upon  to  lift  their  voice  against 
the  designs  that  were  recently  apprehended.     In  this  latter  note  it  will 

1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 


67 

also  be  perceived  what  renewed  anxiety  is  manifested  that  the  whole 
subject  may  be  treated  by  my  government  as  entirely  confidential.  I 
have  replied  in  two  separate  notes  of  this  date  to  both  of  Mr.  Canning's, 
and  enclose  copies  of  all  the  correspondence.  It  will  be  seen  in  Mr. 
Canning's  notes  that  he  describes  the  paper  as  having  been  read  to  me 
on  the  12th  instant.  This  is  a  mistake.  He  read  it  to  me  on  the 
24th  of  November,  as  my  communication  to  you  of  the  26th  of  that 
month  shows.  The  mistake  is  not  material,  and  is  only  noticed  lest  it 
should  otherwise  be  inferred  that  the  paper  was  read  to  me  a  second 
time,  which  was  not  the  case. 

It  is  plain  in  my  belief,  that  this  extraordinary  solicitude  for  secrecy 
springs  from  an  unwillingness  in  this  government  to  risk  the  cordiality 
of  its  standing  with  the  Holy  Alliance  to  any  greater  extent  than  can 
be  avoided.  All  serious  danger  to  Spanish  America,  being  now  at  an 
end,  I  do  not  at  present  see  what  there  is  to  prevent  a  return  to  that 
effective  amity  between  Great  Britain  and  that  alliance  which  has  here- 
tofore existed.  Events  the  most  recent  and  authoritative  justify  us  in 
saying,  that  no  attempt  upon  the  liberties  of  Europe,  will  essentially 
throw  Britain  off  from  the  connexion,  or  impair  her  coequal  allegiance 
to  the  monarchical  principle ;  and  the  authentic  paper  of  her  govern- 
ment which  I  this  day  transmit,  indicates  that  the  danger  of  disunion 
from  the  Spanish  American  question  has  had  its  source  not  in  any  con- 
cern of  Britain  at  fresh  strides  of  Tyranny  in  the  alliance,  but  in  an 
ambitious  uneasiness  in  her  Councils  at  French  or  other  Continental 
interposition  reaching  a  point  which  threatened  at  last  to  trench  upon 
the  commercial  empire  of  England,  an  empire  over  which  her  states- 
men never  cease  to  keep  the  most  jealous  watch.  As  regards  the  essen- 
tial rights  of  the  Spanish  American  States,  their  internal  polity  and 
organization,  it  will  be  seen  from  the  paper,  that  the  foreign  Secretary 
of  England  permits  the  most  revolting  doctrines  to  be  laid  down  by 
the  Ambassador  of  France  without  one  word  of  dissent  or  disapproba- 
tion. Some  of  the  questions  that  started  to  my  mind  when  I  under- 
took to  report  the  contents  of  this  paper  to  you  from  having  heard  it 
read,  are  not  entirely  solved,  I  must  say,  on  a  more  deliberate  exami- 
nation of  it. 

In  my  interview  with  Mr.  Canning  on  the  12th  of  this  month,  he 
said  that  the  Continental  powers  had  intended  to  hold  a  Congress,  not, 
as  they  now  alleged,  to  coerce  the  late  Colonies,  but  to  assist  Spain 
with  their  deliberations  and  advice  towards  recovering  their  supremacy 
over  them;  but  that  Spain's  proposals  had  been  of  a  nature  to  frustrate 
all  their  wishes.  Their  offer  to  assist  her  as  above  had  lately  been 
made  through  the  French  Ambassador  at  Madrid.  Spain,  through  the 
same  channel,  had  simply  said  in  reply,  that  France,  Russia,  and  the 
other  allies  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  furnish  ships,  troops  and  money 


68 

for  the  re-conquest,  which  being  effected,  Spain  was  ready  to  requite 
them  all  by  a  grant  of  equivalent  advantages  to  be  drawn  from  the 
Colonies.  France  had  sent  these  proposals  back  to  Spain  as  not  fit  to 
be  entertained,  and  thus  as  Mr.  Canning  seemed  to  infer,  has  vanished 
the  project  of  the  Congress.  One  other  scheme  only  remained,  he 
said,  for  reducing  the  Colonies,  more  wild  however,  as  he  added,  than 
all  former  ones.  This  was  by  an  association  in  the  form  of  a  private 
company  to  be  composed  of  capitalists  and  bankers  in  sufficient  num- 
bers, and  deriving  a  charter  from  Spain,  which  company  with  their 
funds  were  to  hire  ships  and  troops  for  the  reconquest  and  seek  their 
remuneration  in  certain  exclusive  rights  of  trade  to  be  granted  to  them, 
and  also  in  the  transfer  to  them  of  an  interest  in  the  mines  of  Mexico 
and  Peru.  Some  modification  of  this  visionary  scheme  has  since  made 
a  figure  in  the  journals  of  Europe,  serving,  in  this  country  at  least,  to 
excite  the  public  derision. 

But  the  most  decisive  blow  to  all  despotick  interference  with  the 
new  States  is  that  which  it  has  received  in  the  President's  Message  at 
the  opening  of  Congress.  It  was  looked  for  here  with  extraordinary 
interest  at  this  juncture,  and  I  have  heard  that  the  British  packet 
which  left  Kew  York  the  beginning  of  this  month  was  instructed  to 
wait  for  it  and  bring  it  over  with  all  speed.  It  is  certain  that  this 
vessel  first  brought  it,  having  arrived  at  Falmouth  on  the  24th  instant. 
On  its  publicity  in  London  which  followed  as  soon  afterwards  as  pos- 
sible the  credit  of  all  the  Spanish  American  securities  immediately 
rose,  and  the  question  of  the  final  and  complete  safety  of  the  new 
States  from  all  European  coercion,  is  now  considered  as  at  rest. 

I  have  the  honor  to  remain,  with  very  great  respect  your  obt  servt, 

E/ICHAED    EUSH.^ 
1  From  the  Adams  MSS. 


JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS 


AND 


EMANCIPATION  UNDER  MARTIAL  LAW  (1819-1842) 

BY 

CHARLES  FRANCIS  ADAMS 


JOHN   QUINCY   ADAMS 


AND 


EMANCIPATION   UNDER  MARTIAL   LAW  (1819-1842). 


Reading  recently  a  very  suggestive  English  book,  just 
from  the  press,  entitled  "  Imperium  et  Libertas,"  I  came  across 
the  following :  *'  Sir  Mountstuart  Grant  Duff  records,  in  his 
'  Notes  from  a  Diary,'  the  saying  of  an  old  English  Jesuit : 
'  It  is  surprising  how  much  good  a  man  may  do  in  the  world 
if  he  allows  others  to  take  the  credit  of  it.' " 

This  pregnant,  if  somewhat  cynical,  utterance  was  recalled 
to  my  memory  by  the  paper,  naturally  interesting  to  me,  just 
read  by  Mr.  Ford.  Looking  back  over  the  history  of  the  United 
States  during  the  last  century,  I  think  there  would  be  a  gen- 
eral concurrence  of  opinion  that  the  two  most  notable  utter- 
ances of  presidents  of  the  United  States  during  the  whole 
hundred  years  were  the  presidential  Message  of  1823,  in  which 
the  '*  Monroe  Doctrine,"  so  called,  Avas  enunciated,  and  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation  of  President  Lincoln,  of  January 
1, 1863.  Though  separated  one  from  the  other  by  forty  years 
of  time,  the  influence  of  those  two  pronunciamentos  —  for  both 
of  them  were  pronunciamentos,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the 
word  —  is  still  felt,  and  they  are  constantly  referred  to  in 
familiar  speech.  Every  one,  for  instance,  knows  to  a  certain 
extent  what  is  meant  when  reference  is  made  to  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  or  to  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  In  common 
parlance,  the  definite  article  is  always  prefixed  to  each. 

In  the  paper  just  read,  Mr.  Ford  has  shown  that,  though 
called  b}?^  the  name  of  Monroe,  the  famous  doctrine  set  forth 
in  the  Message  of  1823  originated  almost  verbatim,  literatim  et 
punctuatim,  as  well  as  in  scope  and  spirit,  with  Monroe's  Sec- 
retary of  State.     In  view  of  the  continued  and  long  discussion 


72 

as  to  authorship,  whether  the  doctrine  in  question  took  its 
shape  with  President  or  Secretary,  it  is  a  matter  of  no  little 
surprise  to  me  that  the  documentary  evidence  just  produced 
by  Mr.  Ford  now  first  sees  the  light.  It  has  quietly  reposed 
in  the  files  at  Quincy,  perfectly  accessible,  through  more  than 
forty  years.  Yet,  strange  as  it  appears  and  is,  it  never  oc- 
curred to  me  to  look  for  it  before,  and  apparently  it  never 
occurred  to  my  father  so  to  do,  when  at  work  on  the  "  Memoirs 
of  J.  Q.  Adams."  Much  included  in  that  publication  might 
have  been  omitted  to  advantage,  if  the  documents  Mr. 
Ford  has  to-day  brought  to  light  had  there  found  a  place 
instead. 

As  to  President  Lincoln's  Proclamation  of  Emancipation,  the 
second  most  memorable  presidential  utterance  of  a  century,  it 
is  a  fact,  though  one  which  has  not  yet  found  its  fully  recog- 
nized place  in  history,  that  Monroe's  Secretary  of  State  was 
hardly  less  closely  identified  with  it  than  with  the  first  hardly 
less  memorable  and  famous  utterance  of  forty  years  previous. 
A  year  ago  I  had  occasion  to  deliver  an  address  at  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  building  of  the  State  Historical  Society  at  Madison, 
Wisconsin.  In  the  course  of  that  address  my  subject  led  me 
.to  refer  to  the  attitude  taken  by  J.  Q.  Adams  in  certain  memo- 
arable  episodes  of  his  Congressional  life  connected  with  the 
great  Slavery  debate,  and  I  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  he 
then  enunciated  the  principle  of  constitutional,  international 
law,  which  afterwards  furnished  the  basis  of  Lincoln's  Procla- 
mation. Though  more  than  twenty  years  earlier,  he  in  those 
utterances  clearly  blazed  the  path  to  that  great  state  paper, 
and  its  far-reaching  consequences. 

The  record  on  this  point  is  of  much  historical  interest.  So 
far  as  I  developed  it  in  the  address  to  which  I  have  referred 
at  Madison,  I  propose,  for  the  purpose  of  convenient  reference, 
to  incorporate  it  in  our  Proceedings  with  Mr.  F'ord's  paper,  in 
this  way  bringing  the  connection  of  J.  Q.  Adams  with  one  of 
those  important  State  papers  in  close  conjunction  with  his 
connection  with  the  other. 

In  doing  so,  moreover,  stimulated  by  the  success  which  has 
attended  Mr.  Ford's  examination  of  the  files  in  connection 
with  the  Monroe  doctrine,  I  have  put  the  papers  at  Quincy  to 
a  similar  examination  in  connection  with  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation.     I  now  therefore  incorporate  into  the  Proceed- 


73 

ings  of  to-day  the  record  of  J.  Q.  Adams  relating  to  Emanci- 
pation, not  only  so  far  as  I  had  succeeded  in  exhuming  it  from 
the  Congressional  Record  and  from  the  published  Memoirs 
at  the  time  of  the  delivery  of  my  Madison  Address,  but  I  sup- 
plement and  complete  that  record  by  a  considerable  body  of 
other,  not  uninteresting,  material,  the  fruit  of  a  more  careful 
examination  of  documents,  published  and  unpublished. 
I  quote  first  from  the  Appendix  to  the  Madison  Address : 
"  In  1836,  Mr.  Adams  represented  in  Congress  what  was  then 
the  Massachusetts  '  Plymouth '  district.  In  April  of  that  year 
the  issue,  which,  just  twenty-five  years  later,  was  to  result  in 
overt  civil  war,  was  fast  assuming  shape  ;  for,  on  the  21st  of 
the  month,  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  was  fought,  resulting  im- 
mediately in  the  independence  of  Texas,  and,  more  remotely, 
in  its  annexation  to  the  United  States  and  the  consequent  war 
of  spoliation  (1846-48)  with  Mexico.  At  the  same  time  peti- 
tions in  great  number  were  pouring  into  Congress  from  the 
Northern  states  asking  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  and  the 
prohibition  of  the  domestic  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia. The  admission  into  the  Union  of  Arkansas,  with  a 
constitution  recognizing  slavery,  was  also  under  consideration. 
In  the  course  of  a  long  personal  letter  dated  April  4,  1836, 
written  to  the  Hon.  Solomon  Lincoln,  of  Hingham,  a  promi- 
nent constituent  of  his,  Mr.  Adams  made  the  following  in- 
cidental reference  to  the  whole  subject,  indicative  of  the  degree 
to  which  the  question  of  martial  law  as  a  possible  factor  in  the 
solution  of  the  problem  then  occupied  his  mind  :  — 

" '  The  new  pretensions  of  the  slave  representation  in  Congress,  of  a 
right  to  refuse  to  receive  petitions,  and  that  Congress  have  no  constitu- 
tional power  to  abolish  slavery  or  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of 
Columbia  forced  upon  me  so  much  of  the  discussion  as  I  did  take 
upon  me,  but  in  which  you  are  well  aware  I  did  not  and  could  not  speak 
a  tenth  part  of  my  mind.  I  did  not,  for  example,  start  the  question 
whether  by  the  law  of  God  and  of  nature  man  can  hold  property,  hered- 
itary property  in  man  —  I  did  not  start  the  question  whether  in  the 
event  of  a  servile  insurrection  and  war,  Congress  would  not  have  com- 
plete, unlimited  control  over  the  whole  subject  of  slavery  even  to  the 
emancipation  of  all  the  slaves  in  the  State  where  such  insurrection  should 
break  out,  and  for  the  suppression  of  which  the  freemen  of  Plymouth 
and  Norfolk  counties,  Massachusetts,  should  be  called  by  acts  of  Con- 
gress to  pour  out  their  treasures  and  to  shed  their  blood.    Had  I  spoken 

10 


74 

my  mind  on  those  two  points  the  sturdiest  of  the  abolitionists  would  have 
disavowed  the  sentiments  of  their  champion.' 

*'  A  little  more  than  seven  weeks  after  thus  writing,  Mr. 
Adams  made  the  following  entries  in  his  diary  :  — 

^^  May  25th.  —  ^  At  the  House,  the  motion  of  Robertson,  to  recommit 
Pinckney's  slavery  report,  with  instructions  to  report  a  resolution  de- 
claring that  Congress  has  no  constitutional  authority  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  as  an  amendment  to  the  motion  for  printing 
an  extra  number  of  the  report,  was  first  considered.  Robertson  finished 
his  speech,  which  was  vehement.  .  .  . 

" '  Immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  Robertson's  speech  I  addressed 
the  Speaker,  but  he  gave  the  floor  to  Owens,  of  Georgia,  one  of  the 
signing  members  of  the  committee,  who  moved  the  previous  question, 
and  refused  to  withdraw  it.  It  was  seconded  and  carried,  by  yeas  and 
nays.  .  .  . 

" '  The  hour  of  one  came,  and  the  order  of  the  day  was  called  —  a 
joint  resolution  from  the  Senate,  authorizing  the  President  to  cause 
rations  to  be  furnished  to  suffering  fugitives  from  Indian  hostilities  in 
Alabama  and  Georgia.  Committee  of  the  whole  on  the  Union,  and  a 
debate  of  five  hours,  in  which  I  made  a  speech  of  about  an  hour,  wherein 
I  opened  the  whole  subject  of  the  Mexican,  Indian,  Negro,  and  English 


j»  '^  It  was  in  the  course  of  this  speech  that  Mr.  Adams  first 
enunciated  the  principle  of  emancipation  through  martial  law, 
in  force,  under  the  Constitution,  in  time  of  war.  He  did  so  in 
the  following  passage :  — 

"'Mr.  Chairman,  are  you  ready  for  all  these  wars?  A  Mexican 
war  ?  A  war  with  Great  Britain  if  not  with  France  ?  A  general  In- 
dian war  ?  A  servile  war  ?  And,  as  an  inevitable  consequence  of  them 
all,  a  civil  war  ?  For  it  must  ultimately  terminate  in  a  war  of  colors  as 
well  as  of  races.  And  do  you  imagine  that,  while  with  your  eyes  open 
you  are  wilfully  kindling,  and  then  closing  your  eyes  and  blindly  rushing 
into  them  ;  do  you  imagine  that  while  in  the  very  nature  of  things,  your 
own  Southern  and  Southwestern  States  must  be  the  Flanders  of  these 
complicated  wars,  the  battlefield  on  which  the  last  great  battle  must  be 
fought  between  slavery  and  emancipation  ;  do  you  imagine  that  your 
Congress  will  have  no  constitutional  authority  to  interfere  with  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery  in  any  way  in  the  States  of  this  Confederacy  ?  Sir, 
they  must  and  will  interfere  with  it  —  perhaps  to  sustain  it  by  war ; 
perhaps  to  abolish  it  by  treaties  of  peace  ;  and  they  will  not  only  pos- 


75 

sess  the  constitutional  power  so  to  interfere,  but  they  will  be  bound  in 
duty  to  do  it  by  the  express  provisions  of  the  Constitution  itself.  From 
the  instant  that  your  slave-holding  States  become  the  theatre  of  war, 
civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war  powers  of  Congress 
extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of  slavery  in  every  way  in 
which  it  can  be  interfered  with,  from  a  claim  of  indemnity  for  slaves 
taken  or  destroyed,  to  the  cession  of  the  State  burdened  with  slavery  to 
a  foreign  power/ 

"  The  following  references  to  this  speech  are  then  found  in 
the  diary :  — 

"  May  29th.  —  *  I  was  occupied  all  the  leisure  of  the  day  and  evening 
in  writing  out  for  publication  my  speech  made  last  Wednesday  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  —  one  of  the  most  hazardous  that  I  ever 
made,  and  the  reception  of  which,  even  by  the  people  of  my  own  District 
and  State,  is  altogether  uncertain.* 

"  June  2d.  —  '  My  speech  on  the  distribution  of  rations  to  the  fugi- 
tives from  Indian  hostilities  in  Alabama  and  Georgia  was  published  in 
the  National  Intelligencer  of  this  morning,  and  a  subscription  paper  was 
circulated  in  the  House  for  printing  it  in  a  pamphlet,  for  which  Gales 
told  me  there  were  twenty-five  hundred  copies  ordered.  Several  mem- 
bers of  the  House  of  both  parties  spoke  of  it  to  me,  some  with  strong 
dissent' 

"  June  19th.  —  '  My  speech  on  the  rations  comes  back  with  echoes  of 
thundering  vituperation  from  the  South  and  West,  and  with  one  univer- 
sal shout  of  applause  from  the  North  and  East.  This  is  a  cause  upon 
which  I  am  entering  at  the  last  stage  of  life,  and  with  the  certainty  that 
I  cannot  advance  in  it  far ;  my  career  must  close,  leaving  the  cause  at 
the  threshold.  To  open  the  way  for  others  is  all  that  I  can  do.  The 
cause  is  good  and  great.' 

"  So  far  as  the  record  goes,  the  doctrine  was  not  again  pro- 
pounded by  Mr.  Adams  until  1841.  On  the  7th  of  June  of 
that  year  he  made  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in 
support  of  a  motion  for  the  repeal  of  the  twenty-first  rule  of 
the  House,  commonly  known  as  '  the  Atherton  Gag.'  Of  this 
speech  no  report  exists,  but  in  the  course  of  it  he  again  enun- 
ciated the  martial  law  theory  of  emancipation.  The  next  day 
he  was  followed  in  debate  by  C.  J.  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania, 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  who  took 
occasion  to  declare  that  what  he  had  heard  the  day  previous 
had  made  his  '  blood  curdle  with  horror ' :  — 


76 

"  *  Mr.  Adams  here  rose  in  explanation,  and  said  he  did  not  say  that 
in  the  event  of  a  servile  war  of  insurrection  of  slaves,  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  would  be  at  an  end.  What  he  did  say  was  this,  that 
in  the  event  of  a  servile  war  or  insurrection  of  slaves,  if  the  people  of 
the  free  States  were  called  upon  to  suppress  the  insurrection,  and  to 
spend  their  blood  and  treasure  in  putting  an  end  to  the  war  —  a  war  in 
which  the  distinguished  Virginian,  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, had  said  that  "  God  has  no  attribute  in  favor  of  the  master  " 
—  then  he  would  not  say  that  Congress  might  not  interfere  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  States,  and  that,  through  the  treaty-making 
power^  universal  emancipation  might  not  be  the  result.' 

'^The  following  year  the  contention  was  again  discussed  in 
the  course  of  the  memorable  debate  on  the  '  Haverhill  Peti- 
tion.' Mr.  Adams  was  then  bitterly  assailed  by  Henry  A. 
Wise,  of  Virginia,  and  Thomas  R  Marshall,  of  Kentucky.  Mr. 
Adams  at  the  time  did  not  reply  to  them  on  this  head ;  but, 
on  the  I4th  of  the  following  April,  occasion  offered,  and  he 
then  once  more  laid  down  the  law  on  the  subject,  as  he  under- 
stood it,  and  as  it  was  subsequently  put  in  force  :  — 

" '  I  would  leave  that  institution  to  the  exclusive  consideration  and 
management  of  the  States  more  peculiarly  interested  in  it,  just  as  long 
as  they  can  keep  within  their  own  bounds.  So  far  I  admit  that  Con- 
gress has  no  power  to  meddle  with  it.  As  long  as  they  do  not  step  out 
of  their  own  bounds,  and  do  not  put  the  question  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  whose  peace,  welfare  and  happiness  are  all  at  stake,  so 
long  I  will  agree  to  leave  them  to  themselves.  But  when  a  member 
from  a  free  State  brings  forward  certain  resolutions,  for  which,  instead 
of  reasoning  to  disprove  his  positions,  you  vote  a  censure  upon  him,  and 
that  without  hearing,  it  is  quite  another  affair.  At  the  time  this  was 
done  I  said  that,  as  far  as  I  could  understand  the  resolutions  pro- 
posed by  the  gentleman  from  Ohio  [Mr.  Giddings],  there  were  some  of 
them  for  which  1  was  ready  to  vote,  and  some  which  I  must  vote  against ; 
and  I  will  now  tell  this  House,  my  constituents,  and  the  world  of  man- 
kind, that  the  resolution  against  which  I  should  have  voted  was  that  in 
which  he  declares  that  what  are  called  the  slave  States  have  the  exclu- 
sive right  of  consultation  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  For  that  resolution 
I  never  would  vote,  because  I  believe  that  it  is  not  just,  and  does  not 
contain  constitutional  doctrine.  I  believe  that  so  long  as  the  slave 
States  are  able  to  sustain  their  institutions  without  going  abroad  or 
calling  upon  other  parts  of  the  Union  to  aid  them  or  act  on  the  subject, 
so  long  I  will  consent  never  to  interfere. 
^^"  I  have  said  this,  and  I  repeat  it ;  but  if  they  come  to  the  free  States 


77 

and  say  to  them  you  must  help  us  to  keep  down  our  slaves,  you  must 
aid  us  in  an  insurrection  and  a  civil  war,  then  I  say  that  with  that  call 
comes  a  full  and  plenary  power  to  this  House  and  to  the  Senate  over 
the  whole  subject.  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war  power,  and 
when  your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether  it  be  a  war  of  invasion 
or  a  war  of  insurrection,'^Congress  has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and 
must  carry  it  on  according  to  the  laws  of  war ;  and  by  the  laws  of  war 
an  invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institutions  swept  by 
the  board,  and  martial  law  takes  the  place  of  them.  This  power  in 
Congress  has,  perhaps,  never  been  called  into  exercise  under  the  pres- 
ent Constitution  of  the  United  States.  But  when  the  laws  of  war  are 
in  force,  what,  I  ask,  is  one  of  those  laws  ?  It  is  this :  that  when  a 
country  is  invaded,  and  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial  array,  the 
commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  emancipate  all  the  slaves  in 
the  invaded  territory.'^  Nor  is  this  a  mere  theoretic  statement.  The 
history  of  South  America  shows  that  the  doctrine  has  been  carried  into 
practical  execution  within  the  last  thirty  years.  Slavery  was  abolished 
in  Colombia,  first,  by  the  Spanish  General,  Morillo,  and,  secondly,  by 
the  American  General,  Bolivar.  It  was  abolished  by  virtue  of  a  mili- 
tary command  given  at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  its  abolition  continues 
to  be  law  to  this  day.  It  was  abolished  by  the  laws  of  war,  and  not  by 
municipal  enactments ;  the  power  was  exercised  by  military  command- 
ers, under  instructions,  of  course,  from  their  respective  Governments. 
And  here  I  recur  again  to  the  example  of  General  Jackson.  What  are 
you  now  about  in  Congress  ?  You  are  passing  a  grant  to  refund  to 
General  Jackson  the  amount  of  a  certain  fine  imposed  upon  him  by  a 
Judge  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Louisiana.  You  are  going  to  re- 
fund him  the  money,  with  interest ;  and  this  you  are  going  to  do  because 
the  imposition  of  the  fine  was  unjust.  And  why  was  it  unjust?  Be- 
cause General  Jackson  was  acting  under  the  laws  of  war,  and  because 
the  moment  you  place  a  military  commander  in  a  district  which  is  the 
theatre  of  war,  the  laws  of  war  apply  to  that  district.  .  .  . 

"  '  I  might  furnish  a  thousand  proofs  to  show  that  the  pretensions  of 
gentlemen  to  the  sanctity  of  their  municipal  institutions  under  a  state 
of  actual  invasion  and  of  actual  war,  whether  servile,  civil,  or  foreign, 
is  wholly  unfounded,  and  that  the  laws  of  war  do,  in  all  such  cases,  take 
the  precedence.  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  Nl  say  that  the 
military  authority  takes  for  the  time  the  place  of  all  municipal  institu- 
tions, and  slavery  among  the  rest ;  and  that,  under  that  state  of  things, 
so  far  from  its  being  true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have 
the  exclusive  management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  of  the 
United  States  but  the  commander  of  the  army  has  power  to  order  the 
universal  emancipation  of  the  slaves.  I  have  given  here  more  in  detail 
a  principle  which  I  have  asserted  on  this  floor  before  now,  and  of  which 


78 

I  have  no  more  doubt  than  that  you,  Sir,  occupy  that  Chair.  I  give  it 
in  its  development,  in  order  that  any  gentleman  from  any  part  of  the 
Union  may,  if  he  thinks  proper,  deny  the  truth  of  the  position,  and  may 
maintain  his  denial ;  not  by  indignation,  not  by  passion  and  fury,  but 
by  sound  and  sober  reasoning  from  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  laws  of 
war.  And  if  my  position  can  be  answered  and  refuted,  I  shall  receive 
the  refutation  with  pleasure ;  I  shall  be  glad  to  listen  to  reason,  aside, 
as  I  say,  from  indignation  and  passion.  And  if,  by  the  force  of  reason- 
ing, my  understanding  can  be  convinced,  I  here  pledge  myself  to  recant 
what  I  have  asserted. 

"  '  Let  my  position  be  answered  ;  let  me  be  told,  let  my  constituents 
be  told,  the  people  of  my  State  be  told,  —  a  State  whose  soil  tolerates 
not  the  foot  of  a  slave,  —  that  they  are  bound  by  the  Constitution  to 
a  long  and  toilsome  march  under  burning  summer  suns  and  a  deadly 
Southern  clime  for  the  suppression  of  a  servile  war ;  that  they  are 
bound  to  leave  their  bodies  to  rot  upon  the  sands  of  Carolina,  to  leave 
their  wives  and  their  children  orphans  ;  that  those  who  cannot  march 
are  bound  to  pour  out  their  treasures  while  their  sons  or  brothers  are 
pouring  out  their  blood  to  suppress  a  servile,  combined  with  a  civil  or 
a  foreign  war,  and  yet  that  there  exists  no  power  beyond  the  limits  of 
the  slave  State  where  such  war  is  raging  to  emancipate  the  slaves.  I  say, 
let  this  be  proved  —  I  am  open  to  conviction ;  but  till  that  conviction 
.comes  I  put  it  forth  not  as  a  dictate  of  feeling,  but  as  a  settled  maxim 
of  the  laws  of  nations,  that  in  such  a  case  the  military  supersedes  the 
civil  power.' 

"  With  one  exception,  the  only  comment  on  this  utterance 
made  by  Mr.  Adams  in  his  diary  was  the  following :  '  My 
speech  of  this  day  stung  the  slaveocracy  to  madness.' 

"Mr.  Adams  does  not  seem  to  have  referred  to  the  subject 
again  on  the  floor  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  nor  is  any 
allusion  to  it  found  in  his  subsequent  published  utterances. 
His  enunciation  of  the  principle,  however,  was  not  forgotten. 
The  Civil  War  broke  out  exactly  nineteen  years  from  the  time 
(April,  1842)  that  Mr.  Adams  delivered  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives the  speech  from  which  the  last  of  the  foregoing  ex- 
tracts was  taken.  During  the  first  year  of  the  war,  on  the  30th 
of  August,  1861,  Major-General  John  0.  Fremont,  then  in  com- 
mand of  the  Military  Department  of  the  West,  issued  a  proc- 
lamation in  which,  among  other  things,  was  the  following  — 
the  slaves  '  of  all  persons  in  tlie  State  of  Missouri,  who  shall 
take  up  arms  against  the  United  States  .  .  .  are  hereby  de- 
clared free  men.'     This  proclamation,  afterwards  revoked  by 


79 

President  Lincoln,  immediately  attracted  much  notice,  and 
was  widely  discussed.  The  New  York  '  Tribune,'  in  its  issue 
of  September  1,  1861,  contained  an  editorial  entitled  *  John 
Quincy  Adams  on  Slavery  Emancipation  as  Affected  by  War,* 
in  which  the  principles  laid  down  in  the  speech  of  1842  were 
quoted,  and  applied  to  the  action  of  General  Fremont.  The 
article  was  very  generally  reprinted,  and  the  record  further  ex- 
amined. Subsequently,  Charles  Sumner  made  full  use  of  the 
material  thus  collected  in  a  speech  delivered  before  the  Repub- 
lican State  Convention,  at  Worcester,  Massachusetts,  October 
1,  1861.1  Mr.  Sumner  then  said :  '  No  attempt  to  answer  [Mr. 
Adams]  was  ever  made.  .  .  .  Meanwhile  his  words  have  stood 
as  a  towering  landmark  and  beacon.'  Finally,  Mr.  WilHam 
Whiting,  of  Boston,  then  Solicitor  of  the  War  Department, 
incorporated  (pp.  77-82)  nearly  all  the  extracts  used  by  Mr. 
Sumner,  in  a  pamphlet  entitled  '  The  War  Powers  of  the 
President,'  published  by  him  during  the  summer  of  1862, 
some  months  before  the  issuance  of  Lincoln's  preliminar}^ 
proclamation  of  the  22d  of  the  following  September." 

So  much  for  the  record  on  this  subject  heretofore  published. 
I  now  turn  to  the  "  Memoirs,"  and  the  unpublished  files  at 
Quincy.  The  "  Memoirs  "  seem  to  indicate  that  this  question 
first  occupied  the  attention  of  Mr.  Adams  sixteen  years  before 
delivering  his  speech  of  April,  1836,  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  in  connection  with  the  famous  discussion 
which  led  to  the  so-called  Missouri  Compromise  of  1820. 

December  27,  1819.  "...  His  [Jefferson's]  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence is  an  abridged  Alcoran  of  political  doctrine,  laying  open  the 
first  foundations  of  civil  society  ;  but  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
aware  that  it  also  laid  open  a  precipice  into  which  the  slave-holding 
planters  of  his  country  sooner  or  later  must  fall.  .  .  .  The  seeds  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  are  yet  maturing.  The  harvest  will  be 
what  West,  the  painter  calls  the  terrible  sublime." 

Mr.  Adams  at  that  time  was  Secretary  of  State  in  the  first 
Monroe  administration,  in  which  John  C.  Calhoun  also  served 
as  head  of  the  War  Department.  The  question  of  slavery 
then  first  presented  itself  as  a  sectional  issue,  and  was  the 
subject  of  angry  debate. 

1  Works,  vol.  vi.  pp.  19-23 ;  also  vol.  vii.  p.  142. 


80 

January  10,  1820.  "  The  Missouri  question  has  taken  such  hold  of 
my  feelings  and  imagination  that,  finding  my  ideas  connected  with  it 
very  numerous,  but  confused  for  want  of  arrangement,  I  have  within 
these  few  days  begun  to  commit  them  to  paper  loosely  as  they  arise  in 
my  mind.  There  are  views  of  the  subject  which  have  not  yet  been  taken 
by  any  of  the  speakers  or  writers  by  whom  it  has  been  discussed  —  views 
which  the  time  has  not  yet  arrived  for  presenting  to  the  public,  but  which 
in  all  probability  it  will  be  necessary  to  present  hereafter.  I  take  it  for 
granted  that  the  present  question  is  a  mere  preamble  —  a  titlepage  to  a 
great  tragic  volume.  I  have  hitherto  reserved  my  opinions  upon  it,  as 
it  has  been  obviously  proper  for  me  to  do.  The  time  may,  and  I  think 
will,  come  when  it  will  be  my  duty  equally  clear  to  give  my  opinion, 
and  it  is  even  now  proper  for  me  to  begin  the  preparation  of  myself  for 
that  emergency.  The  President  thinks  this  question  will  be  winked 
away  by  a  compromise.  But  so  do  not  I.  Much  am  I  mistaken  if  it  is 
not  destined  to  survive  his  political  and  individual  life  and  mine." 

The  following  conversation  is  recorded  as  having  at  this  time 
taken  place  between  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Calhoun :  — 

February  24,  1820.  "I  had  some  conversation  with  Calhoun  on  the 
slave  question  pending  in  Congress.  He  said  he  did  not  think  it  would 
produce  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  but,  if  it  should,  the  South  would 
be  from  necessity  compelled  to  form  an  alliance,  offensive  and  defensive, 
with  Great  Britain. 

"  I  said  that  would  be  returning  to  the  colonial  state. 

*^He  said,  yes,  pretty  much,  but  it  would  be  forced  upon  them.  .  .  . 
I  pressed  the  conversation  no  further ;  but  if  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union  should  result  from  the  slave  question,  it  is  as  obvious  as  any- 
thing that  can  be  foreseen  of  futurity,  that  it  must  shortly  after- 
wards be  followed  by  the  universal  emancipation  of  the  slaves.  .  .  . 
Slavery  is  the  great  and  foul  stain  upon  the  North  American  Union,  and 
it  is  a  contemplation  worthy  of  the  most  exalted  soul  whether  its  total 
abolition  is  or  is  not  practicable :  if  practicable,  by  what  means  it  may 
be  effected,  and  if  a  choice  of  means  be  within  the  scope  of  the  object, 
what  means  would  accomplish  it  at  the  smallest  cost  of  human  suffer- 
ance. A  dissolution,  at  least  temporary,  of  the  Union,  as  now  consti- 
tuted, would  be  certainly  necessary,  and  the  dissolution  must  be  upon  a 
point  involving  the  question  of  slavery,  and  no  other.  The  Union  might 
then  be  reorganized  on  the  fundamental  principle  of  emancipation. 
This  object  is  vast  in  its  compass,  awful  in  its  prospects,  sublime  and 
beautiful  in  its  issue.  A  life  devoted  to  it  would  be  nobly  spent  or 
sacrificed." 

^November  29,  1820.     "  If  slavery  be  the  destined  sword  in  the  hand 
olf  the  destroying  angel  which  is  to  sever  the  ties  of  this  Union,  the 


81 

same  sword  will  cut  in  sunder  the  bonds  of  slavery  itself.  A  dis- 
solution of  the  Union  for  the  cause  of  slavery  would  be  followed  by  a 
servile  war  in  the  slave-holding  States,  combined  with  a  war  between 
the  two  severed  portions  of  the  Union.  It  seems  to  me  that  its  result 
must  be  the  extirpation  of  slavery  from  this  whole  continent;  and, 
calamitous  and  desolating  as  this  course  of  events  in  its  progress  must 
be,  so  glorious  would  be  its  final  issue,  that,  as  God  shall  judge  me,  I 
dare  not  say  that  it  is  not  to  be  desired." 

These  utterances  were  certainly  prophetic.  An  interval  of 
sixteen  years  ensued  during  which  the  issue  was  quiescent. 
In  the  meantime  Mr.  Adams  had  served  one  presidential  term , 
and  in  1831  had  been  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives 
from  the  "  Plymouth  "  district.  The  question  then  came  again 
to  the  front,  destined  to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  country 
for  the  next  thirty  years. 

December  13,  1838.  ^^The  conflict  between  the  principle  of  liberty 
and  the  fact  of  slavery  is  coming  gradually  to  an  issue.  Slavery  has 
now  the  power,  and  falls  into  convulsions  at  the  approach  of  freedom. 
That  the  fall  of  slavery  is  predetermined  in  the  counsels  of  Omnipo- 
tence I  cannot  doubt ;  it  is  a  part  of  the  great  moral  improvement  in 
the  condition  of  man,  attested  by  all  the  records  of  history.  But  the 
conflict  will  be  terrible,  and  the  progress  of  improvement  perhaps  retro- 
grade before  its  final  progress  to  consummation." 

The  mind  of  Mr.  Adams  seems  at  once  to  have  reverted  to 
the  conclusions  reached  by  him  in  1820  ;  and  those  conclusions 
he  set  forth  in  the  speech  of  May  25,  1836.  The  following 
passages  in  the  "  Memoirs  "  relate  to  that  speech :  — 

March  3,  1842.  "  Mr.  Giddings  came  to  enquire  the  precise  extent  to 
which  I  hold  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  States  subject  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  National  Government;  and  I  explained  it  to  him.  In  the 
case  of  a  servile  war,  involving  the  free  States  of  the  Union,  the  ques- 
tion of  emancipation  would  necessarily  be  the  issue  of  the  conflict.  All 
war  must  end  in  peace,  and  peace  must  be  concluded  by  treaty.  Of 
such  a  treaty,  partial  or  universal  emancipation  would  probably  form 
an  essential,  and  the  power  of  the  President  and  Senate  of  the  United 
States  over  it  would  be  coextensive  with  the  war." 

April  17,  1842.  "  I  had  called  yesterday  at  the  National  Intelligencer 
office,  and  asked  Mr.  Gales  to  send  me  the  slips  of  my  speech  of  yes- 
terday to  be  published  to-morrow,  for  my  revisal.  He  sent  them  this 
evening  —  seven  columns  of  small  print,  reported  by  Stansbury.     I  em- 

11 


82 

ployed  two  hours  in  revising  them,  and  found  very  few  and  slight  cor- 
rections to  make.  This  speech  was  made  under  deep  and  solemn 
conviction  of  duty.  Its  issues  are  with  the  Father  of  spirits.  I  must 
abide  by  its  consequences.  May  they  be  auspicious  to  the  peace  of  my 
country  and  to  human  freedom  !  " 

The  following  extracts  from  the  correspondence  also  relate 
to  the  speech  :  — 

Plymouth,  Mass.,  May  7, 1836. 
Dear  Sir,  —  ...  As  to  the  opinion  of  your  constituents  upon  the 
subject  of  Slavery,  I  should  think  a  very  large  majority  of  them  are 
opposed  to  it,  many  of  whom,  however,  disapprove  of  the  measures  of 
the  Anti  Slavery  party,  of  which  number  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  I 
am.  —  Some  of  your  friends  in  this  District  are  very  much  interested 
in  behalf  of  the  slave,  and  would  have  them  all  free,  regardless  of  con- 
sequences. —  Our  town,  with  a  single  exception,  has  been  free  from 
any  mob  spirit,  and  it  has  been  a  great  relief  to  the  orderly  portion  of 
our  inhabitants  that  the  Anti  Slavery  Lecturers,  have  kept  from  us, 
public  opinion  in  our  town  is  decidedly  against  the  incendiary  move- 
ments of  the  fanatical  part  of  the  Abolition  party. —  .  .  . 
And  remain,  with  very  great  respect, 

S.  Sampson. 

To  this  letter  from  a  constituent  Mr.  Adams  replied  as 
follows :  — 

S.  Sampson  Esq'  Collector  of  the  Customs  —  Plymouth  —  Mass^? 

Washington  21  May  1836. 

Dear  Sir,  —  ...  This  subject  of  Slavery,  which  is  gradually  and 
irresistibly  absorbing  all  others  in  the  deliberations  of  Congress,  is,  as 
you  know  one  of  extreme  delicacy  with  reference  to  the  Union  of 
these  States,  and  the  complicated  System  of  our  National  and  State 
Governments.  My  own  opinions  upon  the  subject  are  those  of  a 
native  of  the  Commonwealth  whose  children  take  pride  in  the  recol- 
lection that  in  the  first  Census  of  the  People  taken  under  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  she  stood  alone  in  the  return  of  the  word 
"none"  upon  the  column  under  the  head  of  " Slaves."  I  hold  Slavery 
in  utter  abhorrence,  and  look  forward  to  the  time  when  it  shall  vanish 
from  the  face  of  the  Earth,  as  one  of  the  great  stages  in  the  improve- 
ment of  the  condition  of  man  upon  this  terraqueous  globe. 

But  in  the  political  Constitution  of  this  Union,  I  am  under  Bonds. 
The  People  of  the/ree  States  (by  which  I  here  mean  the  States  with- 
out Slaves)  have  formed  a  federal  compact  with  those  in  which  Slavery 
forms  a  part  of  their  political  system,  and  of  the  social  condition  of 
their  inhabitants.     The  terms  of  this  compact  I  take  to  be  that  so  far 


83 

as  Slavery  is  an  institution  of  internal  and  domestic  policy,  the  free 
and  the  Slave  States  shall  be  respectively  left  by  each  other,  to  manage 
their  own  affairs  in  their  own  way.  That  Slavery,  and  all  that  code  of 
Laws  by  which  it  is  established  and  maintained  shall  be  left  exclusively 
to  the  regulation  of  the  States  themselves  in  their  separate  and  indepen- 
dent capacities.  That  with  the  legislation  of  the  Slave  States  upon 
these  subjects,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  internal  and  domestic  policy,  with- 
out encroaching  upon  the  rights  of  the  free  States  or  of  their  People, 
the  free  States  shall  not  interfere. 

And  the  people  of  the  free  States  have  in  the  national  compact  gone 
further.  They  have  not  recognized  Slavery,  as  a  lawful  condition  in 
the  relations  between  men.  They  have  not  acknowledged  Slavery,  as 
an  element  of  the  common  Constitution.  They  have  studiously,  and  it 
might  almost  be  said  affectedly,  avoided  the  use  of  the  word,  even  while 
making  provision  for  the  thing.  But  in  the  spirit  of  concession  to  the 
Slave  holding  States  they  did  stipulate,  first  that  the  Slave-holders 
should  be  allowed  a  representation  in  the  national  Legislature  for  their 
Slaves,  under  the  whimsical  denomination  of  all  "other  persons,"  and 
secondly  that  they  would  allow  no  refuge  within  their  borders  to  the 
fugitive  Slave,  now  described  as  a  "  person  held  to  service,  or  labour  " 
—  but  would  deliver  up  such  person,  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom 
such  service  or  labour  may  be  due. 

And  further  the  free  States  have  concurred  with  the  Slave  holding 
States  in  giving  to  Congress  the  power  to  provide  for  calling  forth  the 
militia  to  suppress  insurrection  and  in  making  it  their  duty  to  protect 
each  of  the  Slave-holding  States  (on  the  application  of  its  Legislature, 
or  of  its  executive,  when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened)  against 
domestic  violence. 

We  are  therefore  bound  by  the  national  compact  not  only  to  abstain 
from  all  measures,  the  tendency  of  which  would  be  to  provoke  insurrec- 
tion among  the  Slaves  but  to  give  all  our  aid  and  exertions  to  suppress 
insurrection  if  it  should  break  out.  I  cannot  approve  therefore  of  the 
Anti  Slavery  Societies  nor  of  the  movements  of  the  Abolitionists  urging 
legislative  action  for  the  suppression  of  Slavery.  Nor  can  I  vote  for, 
or  support  the  prayer  of  any  petition  for  the  abolition  of  Slavery  or  the 
Slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia  at  this  time. 

But  on  the  other  hand  I  cannot  subscribe  to  the  doctrine,  that  the 
power  to  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  does  not 
include  the  power  to  abolish  Slavery.  On  the  contrary  I  hold  as  firmly 
to  the  opinion  that  it  does  include  the  power,  as  I  do  to  the  belief  that 
there  is  a  ruler  of  the  Universe,  and  that  I  am  accountable  to  him  for 
my  opinions  as  well  as  of  my  actions.  They  are  articles  of  the  same 
faith,  and  in  my  mind  and  heart  are  indissolubly  together.  Nor  can  I 
give  my  assent  to  a  great  portion  of  the  report  of  the  select  Commit- 


84 

tee,  to  whom  the  Abolition  Petitions  were  referred,  and  a  copy  of  which 
I  will  send  you  with  this  letter.  I  dissent  from  each  and  every  one  of 
their  resolutions,  the  first  and  second  of  which  they  were  instructed  by 
the  House  to  report ;  against  which  instructions  I  recorded  my  vote. 
Their  third  resolution  they  were  not  instructed  to  report  and  it  is  still 
more  exceptionable  than  the  first  two,  because  it  strikes  directly  at  the 
Constitutional  right  of  Petition,  and  at  the  freedom  of  debate  in  the 
House.  I  have  thought  it  proper  thus  candidly  to  avow  to  you  my  opinions 
upon  this  subject  —  first  as  to  one  of  my  constituents  holding  as  I  believe 
sentiments  personally  friendly  to  me;  and  secondly  as  to  an  officer  of 
the  Government  under  the  present  Administration,  bound  in  duty  to  its 
support;  and  perhaps  approving  more  than  I  am  able  to  do,  its  measures 
and  its  general  policy.  I  shall  probably  express  some  of  these  opinions 
in  the  House  before  the  close  of  the  present  Session,  as  well  as  upon 
other  subjects,  if  possible  still  more  momentous  and  upon  which  my 
views  are  more  adverse  to  those  of  the  present  Administration,  even,  than 
they  are  to  the  question  upon  Slavery  and  the  Slave  trade  which  this 
report  has  brought  up  for  discussion.  I  allude  to  the  Mexican  war  with 
which  we  are  threatened,  and  to  the  Indian  and  Negro  war,  already  rag- 
ing within  our  borders.  .  .  . 

The  following  is  from  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Adams  by 
Benjamin  Lundy,  the  well-known  emancipator,  whose  property 
was,  two  years  later,  destroyed  by  the  pro-slavery  mob  that 
fired  Pennsylvania  Hall,  Philadelphia  :  — 

Philadelphia,  5th  Mo.  27th,  1836. 
Esteemed  Friend  :  —  ...  I  percieve  the  "  ice  is  broken  "  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.     Perseverance,  perseverance^  my  friend  ! 
Again,  I  am  in  great  haste  — 

Most  Respectfully  Thine,  &c., 
Hon.  J.  Q.  Adams.  B.   Lundy. 

To  this  Mr.  Adams  replied,  referring  to  the  speech  of 
May  25:  — 

Washington,  2  June,  1836. 
Mt  Friend  Benjamin  Lundy — Philadelphia. 

.  .  .  Yes  —  "The  ice  is  broken,"  in  the  House  of  Representatives  ; 
and  you  will  see  in  the  National  Intelligencer  of  this  day,  how^  I  have 
been  obliged  to  break  it.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  obtain  permis- 
sion from  the  House  to  offer  the  two  Resohitions,  calling  for  information 
from  the  President,  relating  to  our  affairs  with  Mexico,  nor  even  to 
assign  the  reasons  for  my  vote  on  the  Slavish  Resolutions  of  the  Slavery 
Committee.  But  I  have  taken  the  occasion  of  another  measure  to 
throw  out  some  reflections  on  both  those  subjects  as  well  as  upon  our 


85 

Indian  War,  which  I  hope  may  lead  our  countrymen  to  think  of  them 
seriously.  The  speech  will  be  printed  in  a  pamphlet,  and  I  will  send 
you  a  copy  of  it.  .  .  . 

The  following  letters  and  replies  relate  to  the  same  speech : 

BoRDENTOWN,  May  30,  1836. 
Dear  Sir,  —  I  trust  that  you  will  soon  give  us,  in  extenso,  —  as  if 
it  were  a  full,  written  discourse — your  late  speech  relating  to  the 
Texian  question.  On  this  head,  our  countrymen  —  including  those  of 
the  middle  and  northern  States  —  seem  to  need  authoritative  lessons 
of  morality  and  policy.  I  have  been  shocked  at  the  profligate  sentiments 
and  dispositions  which  have  been  so  generally  displayed,  and  regard  them 
altogether  as  more  ominous  for  the  Union  and  the  American  character, 
than  anything  which  has  occurred.  .  .  . 

'   Robert  Walsh. 


Washington,  3  June,  1836. 
Robert  Walsh  Esq!,  Bordentown,  N.  J. 

Dear  Sir,  — Your  Letters  of  the  5^  and  30^  ultimo  have  been  duly 
received.  My  speech  on  the  resolution  for  issuing  rations  to  the  fugi- 
tives from  Indian  Hostilities  in  Alabama  and  Georgia,  made  on  the 
25-  ultimo  was  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer  yesterday,  and 
will  be  printed  in  a  pamphlet.  The  absurd  rules  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, construed  as  they  are  by  a  slave-holding  Speaker  sustained 
by  a  presidential  electioneering  majority,  seal  the  lips  of  every  member 
of  the  House,  when  the  Speaker  and  majority  so  please,  upon  the  sub- 
ject really  before  the  House,  and  give  unbounded  license  in  Committee 
of  the  Whole,  to  say  anything,  upon  any  subject,  be  the  question  before 
the  Committee  what  it  may.  On  the  morning  upon  which  my  speech 
was  made,  the  Gag — that  is,  the  Previous  Question  had  been  applied 
to  three  Resolutions  on  Slavery,  reported  by  a  Committee  on  the  Abo- 
lition Petitions  —  The  first  of  these  Resolutions  was 

"  That  Congress  possess  no  Constitutional  authority,  to  interfere  in 
any  way^  with  the  institution  of  Slavery  in  any  of  the  States  of  this 
Union." 

I  had  voted,  with  only  eight  other  members  of  the  House,  against 
this  resolution,  and  as  the  sturdiest  of  the  Abolition  Petitions  had 
not  denied  this  position,  but  it  had  been  admitted  by  them  all,  and  as  I 
knew  my  vote,  without  argument,  would  startle  multitudes  of  my  own 
constituents,  I  asked  of  the  House  only  five  minutes  of  time  to  give 
my  reasons  for  my  vote,  and  had  been  denied.  I  had  twice  asked  per- 
mission of  the  House  to  offer  two  resolutions  calling  for  information 
respecting  the  state  of  our  affairs  with  Mexico  —  and  had  been  denied. 


86 

The  second  time,  by  a  minority  of  the  House,  because  it  requires  a 
majority  of  two  thirds  to  suspend  the  Rules. 

I  was  therefore  compelled  to  make  the  Resolution  for  distributing 
rations  to  the  fugitives  from  Indian  revenge  in  Alabama  and  Georgia, 
the  text  for  a  commentary  on  Mexico,  Texas,  Indian  Wars  and  Treaties, 
and  Slavery  ;  and  to  compress  into  one  speech  matter  redundant  for 
three  or  four.  It  was  accordingly  desultory,  and  rendered  more  so  by 
the  perpetual  interruptions  against  which  I  was  obliged  to  make  my 
way.  My  opinions  on  the  whole  subject  presented  views  so  different 
from  those  of  any  one  here,  that  I  scarcely  knew  how  they  would  be 
received  by  any  party.  On  the  Mexican  subject  I  was  much  aided  by 
the  information  that  I  had  gathered  from  the  papers  of  Columbus  in 
the  National  Gazette .  On  the  resolution  that  Congress  possess  no 
constitutional  power  to  interfere  in  any  way,  with  the  institution  of 
Slavery,  in  any  of  the  States  of  this  Confederacy,  my  positions  will  be 
as  unexpected  to  the  public  as  they  were  to  the  House.  Yet  there  is 
no  principle  of  which  I  feel  more  confident.  No  one  has  yet  contested 
my  argument  on  that  point,  in  the  House,  and  Mr.  Wise  who  repre- 
sents the  District  including  Southampton,  in  Virginia,  and  who  refused 
to  vote  on  the  Resolution,  because  he  denied  the  right  of  Congress  to 
pass  any  Resolution  at  all  upon  the  subject,  distinctly  admitted  in  an- 
swering me,  that  Congress  have  the  constitutional  right  to  interfere, 
in  the  Institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States,  for  its  support.  The  right 
of  interference,  in  every  way,  in  the  case  of  war,  appears  to  me  so 
clear  that  I  know  not  how  it  can  be  contested.  The  greatest  excitement 
apparent  in  the  House  was  on  the  charges  against  the  policy  of  the 
present  Administration  towards  the  Indians  and  particularly  against 
Georgia  and  Alabama.  Feeble  answers  were  attempted  at  the  time, 
by  members  from  the  two  States,  as  well  as  by  Mr.  Thompson  of  South 
Carolina  ;  and  I  have  private  [intimations]  from  several  of  them,  that 
they  intend  to  justify  their  policy,  and  that  of  the  present  Administra- 
tion, beyond  the  power  of  reply. 

What  the  public  opinion  of  the  North  will  be  upon  my  speech,  is 
altogether  uncertain  in  my  own  estimation.  Land  jobbing  and  Presi- 
dent jobbing  have  so  perverted  the  mind  and  heart  of  a  large  portion 
of  our  People,  and  they  work  so  insidiously  upon  the  feelings  and  con- 
duct of  the  whole  mass,  that  truth  finds  an  ear  as  unwilling  in  the 
primary  assemblies  as  in  the  Halls  of  the  Capitol.  For  the  last  twelve 
months  the  subserviency  of  the  North  to  Southern  Slavery  has  been  so 
obsequious  and  sycophantic,  that  I  am  sometimes  constrained  to  doubt 
whether  I  was  born  among  a  Nation  of  Freemen.  These  ebullitions  of 
Texian  enthusiasm  have  all  the  appearance  to  me  of  Fraud  playing 
upon  the  wires  of  Frenzy.  And  who  could  have  believed  that  it  is  the 
Democracy  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  that  is  running  in  the 
front  ranks  [of]  this  recreant  race  of  servility  ?  .  .  . 


87 

Akdalusia,  [Penn.,]  June  5, 1836. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  cannot  deny  myself  the  pleasure  of  thanking 
you  for  the  high  gratification  which  I  received  last  evening  from  read- 
ing your  speech  in  the  Nat!  Intelligencer.  The  most  uncomfortable 
symptom  of  the  strange  distemper  which  afflicts  the  country,  is  the 
conduct  of  some  of  our  public  men,  who  seem  to  vibrate  perpetually 
between  two  panic  fears  —  the  dread  of  offending  the  Executive,  and 
the  terror  of  the  populace.  While  many  of  them  are  overawed  by  the 
presence  and  the  patronage  of  persons  in  office,  there  are  others  subdued 
by  an  anxiety  scarcely  less  servile,  about  the  newspapers  and  the 
rabble.  Between  them,  the  voice  of  manliness  and  independence  has 
little  chance  of  being  heard.  It  was  therefore  with  singular  satisfaction 
that  I  felt  it  break  forth,  so  fully,  distinctly  and  powerfully,  in  a  tone 
the  more  grateful,  because  always  associated  with  delightful  recollec- 
tions. Our  people  seem  to  be  running  wild  with  all  sorts  of  infatua- 
tion, and  never  required  more  than  now  to  be  rebuked  into  sobriety.  I 
pray  you  not  to  renounce  that  very  necessary,  tho*  irksome  function 
which  no  one  can  perform  so  successfully  as  yourself,  and  to  let  us 
enjoy  frequent  manifestations  of  that  intellect  which  cannot  be  re- 
pressed, and  will  not  be  suppressed. 

Present  my  best  respects  to  Mrs.  Adams,  and  believe  me  always 

With  great  regard 

N.    BiDDLE. 
Hon^^«  John  Q.  Adams,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Washington,  10  June,  1836. 
Nicholas  Biddlb  Esq^-  Philadelphia. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  Your  Letter  of  the  6^^  inst*  comes  equally  cheering 
and  seasonable.  "  Facit  indignatio  versum  "  —  My  Speech  was  ex- 
torted from  me  by  the  foolery  of  the  three  Resolutions  reported  by  the 
Slavery  Committee  and  the  cormorant  appetite  with  which  the  House 
had  swallowed  them.  It  is  remarkable  that  although  I  have  been  at- 
tacked in  the  House  with  the  bitterest  virulence,  for  my  commentary 
on  the  tender  mercies  of  Georgia  towards  the  Indians  and  for  my  pre- 
diction that  if  we  take  Texas,  John  Bull  will  take  Cuba,  not  one  word 
has  been  said  in  reply  to  my  assertion  that  as  incidental  to  the  War 
power,  Congress  must  in  the  event  of  a  war  in  any  of  the  slave-hold- 
ing States,  possess  the  authority  to  interfere  in  every  way  with  the 
institution  of  Slavery,  in  the  State  within  which  the  war  would  exist. 
I  have  not  found  a  man  hardy  enough  to  deny  the  position.  The 
speech  as  printed  in  the  Intelligencer  makes  me  say  that  I  do  not  admit 
that  even  the  Peace  Powers  of  Congress  give  them  authority  to  in- 
terfere in  any  way,  with  Slavery  in  the  States.  I  said  directly  the 
reverse.     I  said  I  did  not  admit  that  Congress  possess  no  authority  to 


88 

interfere  with  Slavery,  in  any  way  —  even  among  the  Peace  Powers. 
Thej  have  at  least  the  power  to  interfere  with  Slavery,  in  the  way  of 
supporting  it. 

I  feel  myself  strengthened  in  confidence  of  the  correctness  of  my 
own  opinions  by  the  concurrence  of  yours;  and  I  am  encouraged  by 
your  exhortation  to  continue  my  endeavours  to  open  the  eyes  of  our 
country  to  the  precipice  before  them.  Upon  this  subject  however  I 
need  the  curb  rather  than  the  spur.  My  course  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives has  put  me  to  the  ban  of  all  the  Presidential  parties,  and 
made  me  obnoxious  to  all  the  Sectional  rapacity  of  the  South  and  the 
West.  The  Whigs  in  both  Houses,  and  the  senatorial  party  in  their 
controversies  with  the  President,  consummated  their  own  ruin,  by  the 
false  position  which  they  took  in  the  dispute  with  France,  and  the  wan- 
ton attack  upon  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  closing  night  of 
the  last  Congress,  so  strangely  renewed  by  Mr.  Webster  in  his  Speech 
to  the  Senate  on  the  14  of  last  January.  Assailed  as  I  was  indirectly 
in  that  speech,  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  remain  silent,  and  it  was 
equally  impossible  for  me  to  speak  without  blasting  the  last  hope  of  his 
supporters  for  the  presidential  succession.  These  constituted  perhaps 
a  majority  of  the  people  of  my  own  State,  and  accordingly  he  and  his 
partizans  have  undertaken  to  demolish  me  in  my  own  District,  where 
they  have  already  given  notice  of  their  intention  to  contest  my  reelec- 
tion to  the  next  Congress.  On  the  other  hand,  my  influence  and  my 
vote  excluded  David  Newland  from  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
thereby  lost  to  a  certainty  the  vote  of  North  Carolina  to  Mr.  Van 
Buren,  if  the  election  should  come  into  the  House.  This  of  course  lost 
me  all  possible  favour  with  the  Van  Burenites,  and  my  disclosure  of 
the  purpose  to  plunge  us  into  a  war  with  Mexico  for  the  conquest  of 
Texas  and  the  restoration  of  Slavery  has  irretrievably  ruined  me  with 
the  Jacksonites. 

I  have  received  intimations  from  some  of  the  dearest  personal  friends 
that  I  have  upon  earth,  that  I  have  undertaken  more  than,  in  the 
present  condition  of  our  country,  it  is  possible  for  man  to  perform. 
That  we  must  be  governed  by  parties,  and  that  every  party  must  have 
a  head.  That  all  political  conduct  must  be  accommodated  to  the  main 
object  of  party  pursuits,  and  that  to  bid  defiance  one  day  to  one  pres- 
idential Candidate,  and  the  next  day  to  his  competitor  is  mere  political 
Quixotism,  —  sallying  forth  in  search  of  Giants,  and  coming  in  conflict 
with  every  Windmill.  To  these  kind  and  friendly  warnings  I  scarcely 
know  what  to  reply,  but  that  having  deliberately  fixed  my  purpose  of 
making  this  experiment  upon  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  People, 
and  having  persevered  in  it  through  good  and  evil  Fortune,  it  is  too 
late  for  me  to  depart  from  it  now.  I  have  made  moral  principle,  and 
not  party  or  selfish  purpose  the  standard  of  my  conduct  throughout  my 


89 

political  life,  and  there  is  too  little  of  the  stake  left  that  I  can  lose  for 
me  now  to  turn  round  and  become  a  mere  partizan. 

We  are  drawing  towards  the  close  of  the  Session.  Slavery,  and  the 
presidential  succession  are  the  Azote  and  the  Oxygen  of  our  atmos- 
pheric air.  In  them  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being.  There  is 
some  danger  that  even  before  Congress  rises  we  shall  recognize  Texas 
as  a  Sovereign  and  Independent  State.  And  by  their  next  meeting 
there  is  equal  probability  that  there  will  be  ready  for  the  consideration 
of  the  Senate  a  treaty  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union,  and 
if  I  may  rely  upon  information  which  ought  to  be  correct,  Mexico  is 
ready  for  a  very  moderate  indemnity  to  sanction  this  dismemberment  of 
her  domain,  and  to  acquiesce  in  this  Revolution.  It  has  been  breeding 
and  maturing  through  the  whole  course  of  this  Administration,  and  the 
utter  impotence,  political  and  military,  of  the  Mexican  Confederacy, 
signalized  by  the,  [as]  yet  unaccountable,  but  too  well  authenticated  defeat 
and  capture  of  Santa  Anna,  present  an  ungracious  probability  that  the 
project  will  be  consummated  even  before  the  change  of  dynasty  from 
the  Tennessean  Hero  to  the  Northern  Man  with  Southern  principles. 
This  acquisition  of  Texas,  indissolubly  connected  as  it  is  with  the  issue 
now  making  up  between  Slavery  and  Emancipation,  forms  a  subject  of 
contemplation  too  colossal  for  the  grasp  of  my  understanding !  Is  the 
whole  Continent  of  North  America,  to  constitute  one  Confederation,  or 
one  Military  Monarchy  ?  Has  Mexico  been  emancipated  from  Spain, 
only  to  be  conquered  by  the  Anglo  Saxon  race  of  our  Union  ?  This 
overflowing  of  our  population  into  Texas,  with  the  express  design  of 
breaking  it  off  from  Mexico,  and  annexing  it  to  the  Northern  Confed- 
eracy under  the  law  of  perpetual  Slavery,  has  an  ominous  aspect  upon 
our  futurity,  and  the  facility  with  which  it  will  prove  that  Mexico  may 
be  stripped  of  her  Territories,  —  where  will  it  end  ?  I  am  afraid  of 
trusting  my  own  speculations  and  must  wait  for  a  few  more  facts  — 
Give  me  your  thoughts.  .  .  . 

The  following  was  addressed  to  Dr.  George  Parkman,  of 
Boston,  a  life-long  political  friend  of  Mr.  Adams,  whose  mur- 
der, by  Prof.  John  W.  Webster,  of  Harvard  University,  in 
November,  1849,  led  to  one  of  the  most  memorable  trials  in 
American  criminal  annals. 

Washington,  22  June,  1836. 
Dr.  George  Parkman,  New  York. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  I  enclose  in  a  packet  with  this  Letter  twelve 
copies  of  my  Speech  upon  the  distribution  of  rations  to  the  sufferers 
by  Indian  hostilities  in  Alabama  and  Georgia,  conformably  to  the  re- 
quest in  your  favour  of  the  16^''  inst*. 

I  would  that  the  sentiment  of  compassion  and  sympathy  for  that 

12 


90 

hapless  race  of  native  Americans,  which  we  are  exterminating  with 
such  merciless  and  perjfidious  cruelty,  extorted  from  me  on  that  occasion, 
could  contribute  even  a  mite  to  alleviate  or  avert  their  fate. 

Accept  once  more  the  assurance  of  my  warmest  wishes,  and  prayers 
that  your  European  tour  may  be  prosperous  and  profitable  to  yourself 
and  to  all  your  family ;  and  that  in  due  time  you  may  all  with  equal 
satisfaction  return  to  your  Country  and  to  your  friends.  Among  whom 
I  hope  you  will  not  cease  to  consider  as  ever  faithfully 

Yours  — 

The  following,  from  one  of  the  abolitionists  of  the  day,  is 
not  without  interest  as  shedding  light  on  the  conditions  then 
prevailing  in  the  free  States  :  — 

Philadelphia  :  5!^  rao  :  29'^  1836. 

Esteemed  Friend,  —  I  would  not  occupy  thy  important  time  by 
the  perusal  of  a  solitary  line  from  my  pen,  were  it  not  that  I  hold  thee 
richly  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  every  friend  of  humanity,  for  the  bold 
and  noble  stand  thou  hast  made,  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  Texas.  I 
rejoice  that  thy  eyes  have  been  opened,  so  as  to  discern  that  the  hand 
of  Providence  may  clearly  be  seen,  as  the  director  of  the  movements  of 
the  despised,  grossly  traduced,  vilified,  and  persecuted,  friends  of  Human 
Rights  and  eternal  Righteous  Union,  the  Abolitionists  of  the  country. 

Thro'  our  instrumentality  facts  have  been  noted  and  preserved  rela- 
tive to  the  wicked  objects  and  intentions  of  the  slave-holding  and  slave- 
trading  Section  of  our  Nation,  which  would  otherwise  have  kept  from 
view  their  base  and  detestable  machinations  for  the  purpose  of  eter- 
nizing the  curse  of  Slavery  upon  us. 

I  trust  thou  hast  discovered  that  no  time  should  be  lost  in  proclaim- 
ing the  whole  truth  upon  the  housetops,  that  our  Northern  brethren 
maj  feel  their  own  danger  and  save  themselves  from  speedy  ruin. 

It  is  useless  for  me  to  draw  a  picture  of  the  necessary  events  which 
would  follow  the  introduction  of  Texas  into  this  Union,  under  its  present 
auspices,  and  the  acknowledged  designs  of  the  instigators  of  the  present 
revolt.  Thy  long  intimacy  with  the  institutions  of  our  government, 
and  the  bearing  of  political  movements  upon  its  ultimate  welfare,  render 
it  entirely  supererrogatory.  Thy  experience,  knowledge  and  wisdom, 
will  easily  conceive  a  full-length  likeness  of  the  Angel  of  Judgment  and 
Justice  (the  day  of  mercy  having  passed  by)  whose  phial  of  Retribution 
is  ready  to  be  poured  out  upon  this  guilty  Nation,  whose  measure  I  be- 
lieve will  be  full,  if  Texas  is  added  as  a  Slave  Section. 

Nothing  but  the  real,  permanent  prosperity  of  my  Country,  which  I 
love  with  all  her  faults,  would  have  induced  me  to  brave  the  obloquy, 
abuse,  &c.  which  has  awaited  the  little  band  who  were  coadjutors  with 
me  in  rending  the  vail  which  cohered  the  deformities  of  republican 


91 

despotism,  and  in  unmasking  the  monster  which  was  about  to  plant  his 
iron  hoof  upon  the  neck  of  the  Genius  of  Liberty,  who  had,  under  God, 
led  our  Fathers  thro'  the  dark  valley  of  the  Shadow  of  death,  in  the 
revolutionary  Struggle,  and  placed  their  feet  upon  the  rock  of  deliver- 
ance from  Tyranny  and  oppression. 

Excuse  me,  my  dear  friend,  for  I  love  the  very  Sound  of  Liberty,  and 
I  hope  that  for  the  remainder  of  thy  life,  which  is  not  likely  to  be  very 
long,  thou  wilt  unflinchingly  sustain  her  broad  principles,  and  defend 
her  glorious  Temple,  so  that  at  the  end  of  thy  course  thou  mayst  leave 
an  enduring  monument  in  the  hearts  of  her  children,  and  be  welcomed 
among  the  Spirits  of  the  just  made  perfect. 

As  ever  thy  friend 

Edwin  P.  Atlee,  M.  D. 

J.  Q.  Adams.  N?.  152  N.  5^  St. 

P.  S.  My  best  respects  to  W""  Slade.  I  hope  to  see  you  both  on 
your  return  home.  —  If  any  of  thy  speeches  should  be  printed  in  pamph- 
let form,  may  I  request  a  copy  ?  E.  P.  A. 

Philadelphia  :  Q^}}  mo  :  16.  1836. 

Highly  esteemed  Friend,  —  As  coming  events  cast  their  Shadows 
before,  and  the  whole  chain  of  proceedings  during  this  session  of  Con- 
gress have  conclusively  shown  that  the  deep  laid  plot  of  engrafting 
the  system  of  Slavery,  not  only  on  the  descendants  of  Africa  in  the 
South,  but  upon  the  freemen  of  the  North,  was  foreseen  and  predicted 
by  the  Antislavery  body :  and  as  every  moment  is  now  precious  for  the 
enlightenment  of  our  fellow  citizens,  I  have  dared  again  to  address 
thee,  for  the  purpose  of  asking  whether  the  deep  interest  thou  art  now 
actuated  by,  and  the  consequent  clear  vision  thy  enquiries  have  pro- 
duced, would  warrant  thy  appearance  before  the  three  Antislavery  So- 
cieties of  this  City  and  County,  as  their  Orator,  for  the  ensuing  4*'^  of 
July?  —  On  the  same  day  1833,  I  first  appeared  before  my  fellow- 
citizens,  in  an  address  on  the  subject  of  Slavery,  a  copy  of  which  I  sent 
thee.  The  cause  being  one  nearest  to  my  heart,  I  publicly  pledged 
myself  to  deliver  a  similar  address  every  4^-  of  July  as  long  as  I  lived, 
and  mental  and  corporeal  strength  would  admit,  and  as  our  Country 
was  cursed  by  this  foul  stain. 

The  following  Jan^^  I  spoke  again  before  the  Female  Society  of  this 
City.     This  address  was  also  published,  and  a  copy  sent  to  thee. 

A  young  attorney  of  excellent  standing  delivered  an  Oration  on  the 
4'.'}  of  July,  1834. 

The  state  of  excitement  was  so  great  last  year  that  no  person  could 
be  found  courageous  enough  to  come  forward.  Finding  this  to  be  the 
case,  I  had  it  announced  that  I  should  appear  again.     This  address  was 


92 

extemporaneous  and  without  notes,  and  was  delivered  before  a  highly 
respectable  audience,  in  the  Musical  Fund  Hall.  It  was  not  published, 
altho'  it  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  auditory,  among  whom  were 
several  Slaveholders,  who  treated  me  with  cordial  attention  after  the 
meeting. 

The  coming  4!^  has  no  orator  engaged,  and  as  I  do  not  wish  to  im- 
pose myself  upon  the  public,  and  as  even  a  distant  agent  or  member  of 
the  Anti-Slavery  Society  would  not  probably  be  acceptable,  just  now, 
to  the  community,  I  do  most  heartily,  on  behalf  of  the  Societies  here, 
desire  thou  mayst  grant  the  request.  If  more  agreeable  to  thee  to 
dwell  upon  Constitutional,  inherent,  individual  rights  &c  —  without 
bearing  too  heavily  upon  the  Sin  of  Slavery  we  shall  be  entirely 
satisfied. 

Please  reply  as  soon  as  convenient,  and  confer  an  additional  favor 
upon  the  Friends  of  Freedom,  and  thy  sincere  friend 

E.  P.  Atlee. 

J.  Q.  Adams. 

The  following  is  the  reply  of  Mr.  Adams :  — 

Washington,  25  June,  1836. 
Friend  E.  P.  Atlee  —  Philadelphia. 

Respected  Friend,  —  I  have  lately  received  two  letters  from  you 
in  relation  to  the  course  which  I  have  during  the  present  session  of 
Congress  pursued  on  subjects  connected  with  that  part  of  our  political 
condition  which  results  from  the  existence  of  Slavery  in  our  Confeder- 
ated Republic  —  the  most  unfortunate,  most  perplexing  and  most 
alarming  of  all  the  elements  of  our  civil  and  political  Institutions.  In 
the  National  Intelligencer  of  this  morning  you  will  find  the  Report 
of  my  part  in  the  debate  upon  the  Bill  for  the  admission  of  the  State 
of  Arkansas  into  the  Union,  and  I  presume  you  will  perceive  on  the 
one  hand  how  far  short  my  opinions  on  the  subject  of  American  Slavery 
fall  of  the  standard  which  you  believe  to  be  that  of  the  true  faith,  and 
on  the  other  how  very  far  my  concurrence  with  your  opinions  tran- 
scends that  which  throughout  the  present  Session  has  been  the  trium- 
phant Standard  of  Slavery  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States.  You  will  see  that  the  utmost  extent  to  which  I  ven- 
tured to  offer  a  proposition  restrictive  upon  the  overbearing  influence 
of  Slavery,  was  a  proviso  withholding  the  assent  of  Congress  from  that 
Article  in  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Arkansas  which  prohibits 
the  Legislature  itself  from  emancipating  Slaves,  without  the  consent 
of  their  owners.  You  will  see  that  upon  this  proposition  only  32 
votes  in  its  favour  could  be  obtained  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole  to 
90  votes  against  it.  And  as  in  the  Committee  of  the  Whole,  the  yeas 
and  nays  cannot  be  taken,  so  you  will  find  that  when  my  proposition 


93 

was  renewed  in  the  House,  the  yeas  and  nays  were  not  allowed  to  be 
taken  upon  it  there.  They  were  cut  off  by  the  previous  question, 
called  for,  in  a  manner  unexampled,  by  a  Slave-holding  member  — 
authorized,  against  the  rules  and  usages  of  the  House,  by  a  Slave-hold- 
ing Speaker,  and  sustained  upon  my  appeal  from  his  decision  by  a 
majority  of  ten  votes.  You  will  also  see  that  of  the  97  votes  which 
thus  sustained  the  decision  of  the  Speaker  five  were  given  by  members 
from  Pennsylvania,  and  twenty  by  members  from  the  State  of  New 
York.  Had  these  votes  been  on  the  Liberty  list,  upon  this  question, 
the  Speaker's  decision  would  have  been  reversed  by  a  vote  of  112  to 
72.  Nineteen  members  from  Pennsylvania  and  only  eight  from  New 
York  voted  against  the  decision. 

The  effect  of  the  Resolution  of  the  House  to  lay  upon  the  table  with- 
out further  notice,  all  petitions,  memorials,  propositions,  or  papers  re- 
lating to  Slavery,  or  the  abolition  of  Slavery,  was  at  once  a  suppression 
of  the  right  of  Petition,  and  an  unconstitutional  restriction  upon  the 
rights  of  the  members  of  the  House  to  offer  Resolutions  upon  sub- 
jects of  great  public  importance  ;  and  perfectly  within  the  scope  of  de- 
liberation in  the  House  ever  since  the  existence  of  the  Government. 

The  effect  of  the  decision  of  the  Speaker  was  to  deny  to  me  the 
freedom  of  debate  upon  the  subject  immediately  before  the  House,  and 
to  deprive  me  of  the  constitutional  right  of  having  the  yeas  and  nays 
recorded  upon  the  question  of  an  amendment  which  I  had  offered  to  a 
Bill  under  consideration  in  the  House. 

Both  these  operations  have  been  effected  by  the  Representatives  of 
Freemen,  in  their  own  States  unsullied  with  the  taint  of  Slavery  —  and 
above  all  by  Representatives  of  the  People  of  New  York  and  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  Representatives  must  be  supposed  to  speak  the  voice  of 
their  constituents.  It  is  a  new  feature  in  the  character  of  the  people  of 
New  York  and  Pennsylvania,  to  take  the  side  of  Slavery  against  Free- 
dom :  how  long  they  will  chuse  to  sustain  this  position  in  the  affairs 
and  opinions  of  the  world,  it  is  not  for  me  to  foretell. 

The  4-1'  of  July  is  the  day  fixed  upon  for  closing  the  present  session 
of  Congress.  I  shall,  of  course,  be  necessarily  detained  here  until  after 
that  day.  I  would  very  cheerfully  address  the  Anti  Slavery  Societies 
on  that  day,  but,  although  concurring  in  their  abstract  opinions  concern- 
ing Slavery,  and  lamenting  the  delusion,  which  especially  for  the  last 
year,  has  infected  the  soil  of  Freedom  itself  with  an  unnatural  and 
fanatical  sympathy  with  Slavery,  it  would  be  of  little  avail  that  I  should 
speak  to  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  on  their  own  Soil,  while  my  voice 
is  stifled  by  the  will  of  their  Representatives  in  the  Legislative  Hall  of 
the  Nation. 

I  believe  that  the  final  issue  between  Slavery  and  Emancipation  (a 
word  which  I  prefer  to  abolition,)  is  to  be  made  up  on  this  Continent  of 


94 

North  America.  I  would  hope  if  I  could  that  it  will  be  made  up 
peaceably,  and  settled  without  bloodshed  —  but  it  must  come.  It  is 
approaching  by  such  means  as  it  is  the  special  prerogative  of  Provi- 
dence to  employ.  The  Society  of  Friends  are  among  the  most  effec- 
tive instruments  to  the  attainment  of  the  end,  because  all  their  paths 
are  Peace.  Bound  as  I  am  by  the  compact  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  in  my  political  capacity  I  have  endeavoured  to  retard 
rather  than  to  hasten  the  conflict  between  the  parties  which  must  ulti- 
mately be  unavoidable.  What  I  have  done  hitherto  has  been  defen- 
sively to  maintain  my  own  rights,  and  the  free  institutions  of  the 
Country.  I  hope  they  will  not  perish  in  my  hands  —  but  the  People 
themselves  can  alone  effectually  maintain  them. 

I  am  very  respectfully  your  friend  — 

The  following  was  from  Josiah  Quincy,  Mr.  Adams's  life- 
long friend,  then  President  of  Harvard  College  :  — 

Cambridge,  [Mass.,]  13  June,  1836. 

My  dear  Sir,  —  You  will  not,  I  trust,  deem  it  obtrusive  if  I  take 
the  liberty  to  express  to  you  my  thanks  for  the  noble  stand  you  have 
made  against  the  projects  which  have  for  their  intent  the  admission  of 
Texas  into  the  Union ;  and  also  for  the  notice  you  have  given  of  your 
determination  to  resist  the  extension  of  slavery  to  Arkansas. 

I  know  not  that  any  congressional  exertion  of  this,  or  any  former 
session,  has  been  received,  in  this  quarter  with  more  general  and  heart- 
felt applause,  than  has  been  yours,  relative  to  Texas.  1  suppose,  how- 
ever, the  event  is  inevitable,  as  I  take  it  for  granted  to  be  the  policy  of 
administration  and  the  coincident  interest  of  the  slave  States.  Should 
it  take  place,  I  should  deem  it  the  deathblow  to  the  Constitution  had 
not  that  instrument  already  received  so  many  wounds  of  that  kind  as  to 
show  that  it  possesses  a  mysterious  vitality  which  sets  calculation  at 
defiance. 

As  to  Slavery  in  the  new  States,  I  think  that  Northern  men  owe  it 
to  their  own  character,  as  well  as  to  that  of  their  country,  to  meet  every 
attempt  to  extend  the  evil  to  new  States  with  the  most  decided  oppo- 
sition. It  is  the  only  way  in  which  they  can  manifest  that  the  acqui- 
escence they  have  shown  in  the  continuance  of  slavery  in  the  Union 
has  been  compelled  by  their  respect  to  the  relations  and  obligations  of 
the  Constitution.  Let  their  acquiescence  be  limited  by  those  obliga- 
tions. Let  every  attempt  to  extend  the  iniquitous  traffic  in  human 
beings,  and  to  plant  the  evil  in  other  states,  be  manfully  and  persever- 
ingly  resisted.  .  .  . 

Josiah  Quincy. 

Hon.  John  Q.  Adams. 


95 

Cambridge,  June  15^^,  1836. 

Mr  DEAR  Sir,  —  Accept  my  thanks  for  an  authenticated  copy  of 
your  speech,  which  I  received  yesterday.  I  had  read  it  per  saltum,  in 
the  newspapers,  but  I  was  not  contented  with  those  scraps,  which  always 
smelt  of  the  dish  and  the  caterer.  But  what  you  have  sent  me  is  the 
whole  head  and  pluck  —  heart,  lungs,  liver  and  lights,  and  I  assure  you 
I  feasted  on  the  savoury  repast,  but  it  had  this  difference  from  our  ordi- 
nary meals —  the  more  I  swallowed  the  more  I  longed  for,  without 
feeling  satiety ;  and  digestion  has  gone  on  to  entire  satisfaction,  and 
with  no  small  delight.  Even  the  rascally  Atlas  extols  the  speech, 
and  to  that  degree  that  he  felt  the  necessity  of  saying  something  im- 
pudent of  the  speaker,  for  his  flying  alone  like  an  Eagle,  instead  of 
belonging  to  a  flock,  like  a  goose. 

I  have  been  not  only  much  pleased  with  the  noble  effusion  as  an 
oration,  but  instructed,  as  a  very  first-rate  political  Lecture.  I  guess 
it  must  have  expanded  the  mind  of  the  President,  and  that  of  Mr  Van 
Bureu — so  ready  are  people  to  judge  others  by  themselves.  I  ob- 
served that  some  tried  to  stop  you,  by  the  disorderly  cry  of  order ! 
order ;  and  by  that  mean  subterfuge  of  a  coward  "  the  previous  ques- 
tion,'^  or  something  like  it.  I  imagine,  however  that  some  of  your 
hearers  must  have  sat  about  as  easy  as  a  man  on  a  wool-comber's 
hatchel.  I  mean  some  of  your  South  or  South-western  members,  and 
who  not  wishing  to  retire  were  compelled  to  adopt  the  Indian  philo- 
sophy of  "  Grin  and  hear  it"  ;  especially  that  portion  of  the  philipic 
which  regards  the  Negroes  ;  for  they  know  that  black  cloud  will,  sooner 
or  later  bust  over  their  affrighted  heads. 

I  had  procured  one  of  Mitchell's  large  maps,  and  pored  over  it  with 
the  pleasing  assiduity  of  Uncle  Toby  himself,  but  I  have  no  Corporal 
Trim  to  imbibe  and  wonder  at  my  knowledge  of  this  Newfoundland  of 
the  United  States. 

When  you  speak  of  the  Island  of  Cuba,  I  find  myself  at  home  with 
you.  I  spent  five  months  there ;  and  covered  more  pages  of  it  than 
any  Island  I  ever  visited.  There  I  first  became  acquainted  with  Col. 
Miranda^  and  renewed  our  acquaintance  after  he  came  to  Boston.  I 
used  to  tell  him  that  Cuba  belonged  to  us,  for  it  was  only  one  of  our 
own  Mountains,  with  its  head  out  of  water.  I  never  viewed  a  country 
with  such  admiration.  I  never  saw  the  wonders  of  vegetation  except 
there.  Plants,  flowers  and  fruit,  and  rapid  vegetation,  surpassed  every- 
thing I  ever  saw  before,  or  since.  Their  rivulets  and  brooks  exceeded 
in  beauty  anything  I  ever  saw,  forming  a  striking  contrast  with  the 
very  mean  and  degraded  inhabitants.  I  coveted  the  harbour  of 
Havana,  as  well  as  their  glorious  land  and  aromatic  vegetables.  I 
often  whispered  to  several  of  my  countrymen  there  that  we  must  and 
ought  to  have   Cuba.     I  have  mentioned  it  in  my  Essay  on  Junius, 


96 

and  called  it  the  American  Great  Britain  —  the  future  capital  or  future 
metropolis  of  our  new  world  —  that  the  Spaniards  were  unworthy  of  it. 
What  you  have  said  of  it  has  called  up  afresh  the  finest  natural  scenery 
I  ever  beheld. 

We  have  got  Continent  enough.  Perhaps  too  much.  But  I  do 
wish  that  we  owned  the  Summer  Island,  or  Bermuda  —  merely  as 
a  naval  station.  Commodore  Elliot  assured  me  that  he  conversed 
largely  with  General  Jackson  on  the  importance  of  the  waters  —  or 
water  shape  of  Charleston  S.  C,  and  its  neighborhood  as  a  naval  sta- 
tion, in  spite  of  their  misunderstood  bars,  and  shoals,  and  that  in  his 
nullification  cruise,  when  he  had  the  command  by  sea,  and  Gen-  Scott 
by  land,  he  corrected  many  false  notions  concerning  their  sea  board, 
and  communicated  his  ideas  to  President  Jackson.  I  more  than  once 
touched  the  subject  in  my  correspondence  with  Governor  Levi  Wood- 
bury. The  same  officer  gave  him  important  information  respecting 
Rhode  Island  and  Fall-river  as  a  connecting  chain  of  defence  with  the 
outer  harbour  of  Boston,  via  Quincy,  or  rather  Cohasset  by  means  of 
two  or  three  fortified  Posts. 

Now  if  all  this  does  not  betray  a  man  bitten  with  Uncle-Tobyism,  I 
shall  be  glad  to  know  it.  It  is  remarkable  the  Spaniards,  though  they 
have  the  most  gold  and  silver,  are  the  poorest  nation  on  earth,  and  the 
best  and  most  costly,  and  most  numerous,  fortifications  of  stone,  with 
the  least  energy  for  defending  them.  The  Moro-castle,  and  indeed  the 
whole  range  of  their  stone  masonry  which  encircles  the  harbor  of  the 
Havanna  looks  like  it ;  and  so  do  the  bays  and  harbours  of  Teneriffe, 
where  I  resided  more  than  a  month,  not  to  mention  the  wonderful 
works  at  Ferrol. 

Your  speech  is  almost  too  long  to  be  treated  as  Alderman  Beckford's 
famous  speech  to  George  the  Third  was,  in  Guildhall,  yet  it  deserves  it 
more. 

When  do  you  expect  to  take  off  your  harness,  drop  your  traces  and 
roll  at  Quincy  ?  Will  they  let  you  come  home  by  mowing  time ;  but 
unless  our  dismal  weather  should  change  greatly,  you  may  not  be  al- 
lowed "  to  make  hay  while  the  sun  shines  "  for  a  cloud  yet  hangs  over 
us.  The  People,  and  their  Magnates^  are  busy  in  preparing  to  play 
Bunker-hill  battle^  when  Alexander  Everett  is  to  say  Grace.  Accept 
the  affectionate  regards  of 

Benj^  Waterhouse. 

6^h  mo  22"d  1836 
East  Fallowfield,  Chester  C^.  Penn^. 

Respected  Friend,  —  Though,  personally,  entirely  a  stranger  to 
thee,  yet  I  cannot  rest  satisfied  in  my  own  mind  without  returning  thee, 
in  some  method  or  form,  on  behalf  of  myself  and  a  large  and  increasing 


97 

number  of  friends,  of  all  sects  and  parties,  our  grateful  thanks  and  ac- 
knowledgments, for  thy  late  bold,  feerless,  and  independant  speech  in 
Congress,  relative  to  granting  appropriations  to  relieve  those  who  have, 
and  still  are,  suffering  from  Indian  depredations. 

I  have  read  it  several  times  to  companies  of  our  friends  who  have 
listened  to  it  with  the  most  thrilling  interest  —  thankful  that  we  have  at 
least  one  influential  man  who  dares  amidst  persecution,  threatened  as- 
sassination, and  calls  to  "  order,  ^  to  expose  to  the  faces  of  our  Southern 
Slavery  Texas  men,  their  unholy,  unrighteous  designs  and  schemes ; 
and  the  fearful,  terrible  situation  in  which  our  country  is  placed  at  this 
eventful  crisis.  Not  only  are  we  thankful,  but  we  are  greatful,  for  the 
noble  stand  thou  hast  taken,  —  inasmuch  as  the  American  press  is  in 
a  great  measure  dumb,  silent  as  the  tombj  or  bribed  over  to  an  unholy 
public  sentiment,  relative  to  this  great  subject,  which  involves  in  its  issue 
all  that  is  essential  in  human  rights.  I  therefore  hope  and  trust  thou 
mayest  be  supported  and  encouraged  to  persevere,  not  only  for  the  sake 
of  millions  of  our  enslaved  fellows  now  in  bondage,  but  because  of  the 
unbor[n]  millions  yet  to  live  and  linger  out  a  life  of  servitude;  and 
because  we  ourselves  are  threatened  with  subjugation  to  slaveholding 
encroachments;  and  therefore  if  something  is  not  done  to  circumscribe, 
check,  and  totally  eradicate  this  tremendous  evil,  it  will  eventually  and 
at  no  distant  day  dig  the  grave  of  our  liberties,  and  entomb  the  last 
hope  of  the  friends  of  freedom  throughout  the  world.  By  continuing 
thy  exertion  in  the  cause  of  human  freedom  thou  wilt  not  only  arouse 
our  countrymen  to  a  sense  of  their  danger  and  rescue  our  country  from 
destruction  but  thou  wilt  endear  thyself  to  the  christian  world,  to  the 
great  and  good  every  where,  and  the  thousands  whose  bosoms  have  beat 
a  responsive  "  Amen  "  to  thy  late  speech  will  be  increased  to  millions, 
in  whose  hearts  there  will  be  erected  a  monument  to  John  Quincy 
Adams  more  dureable  than  brass,  and  far,  far  more  enviable. 

Gladly  would  I  write  more  (less  I  could  not  in  justice  to  my  own 
feelings)  but  I  am  feerful  of  occupying  too  much  of  thy  valuable  time 
and  attention.  I  shall  therefore  close  by  assuring  thee  that  our  friends 
look  with  great  interest  and  confidence  to  the  course  which  thou  hast, 
and  mayest,  take  in  future ;  as  to  one  whome  we  have  long  honored, 
and  admired,  as  a  christian  statesman  and  scholar. 

Thou  wilt  greatly  oblige  me  (if  agreeable  to  thy  pleasure)  by  sending 
a  few  coppies  of  thy  speech  to  me,  as  there  is  a  great  anxiety  in  the  com- 
munity to  see  it.  Any  speeches  of  thine  on  any  subject,  and  particu- 
larly relative  to  slavery,  which  is  becoming  the  all  engrossing  question 
will  be  most  thankfully  received. 

Most  respectfully  thy  friend 

James  Fulton  Jr. 

John  Q.  Adams,  M.  C. 

IS 


98 

P.  S.  Please  assure  William  Slade  of  Vermont  that  his  name  is 
warmly  cherished  by  us,  and  by  every  friend  of  man,  for  his  noble 
exertions  to  rescue  our  prayers  and  petitions  from  being  "  nailed  to  the 
table,"  or  ^^  the  family  vault  of  all  the  Ca'puletsP 

J.  F.  Jr. 

J.  Q.  A. 

Mr.  Adams,  as  is  usual  with  public  men ,  was  at  this  time  in 
constant  receipt  of  letters  of  a  threatening  or  abusive  character. 
They  have  now  not  much  historical  value  ;  but  a  single  speci- 
men may  be  worth  preserving.  It  was  written,  and  received 
more  than  two  months  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  and 
while  Mr.  Adams  was  at  Quincy. 

Glasgow,  Kentucky,  12  Sept.  1836. 

Dr  Sir,  —  I  see  in  the  latest  news  that  your  speech  in  Congress  on 
the  Texian  War  has  been  received  in  Mexico  with  acclemation  univer- 
sal, and  that  you  are  called  the  Demosthenes  of  America, 

I  am  at  a  loss  to  conceive  what  kind  of  motives  prompted  you  to  de- 
grade yourself  so  low  as  to  make  so  imflamintory  and  anti-republican 
speech  and  manifest  in  such  indubitable  characteristics  your  detestation 
and  abhorence  to  a  free  Government.  Your  ungovernable  ambitious 
propensity  stripd  you  of  your  hypocritical  mask  last  Autumn  and  ever 
sinc[e]  you  have  been  an  object  of  scorn  and  ridicule  to  the  American 
people.  You  have  tried  to  paliate  your  heinous  offences  and  cloke  your 
abandoned  degradation  by  sneaking  into  party  enthusiasm  but  the  dif- 
ferent partes  were  not  so  far  estranged  from  decency  as  you  imagind 
you  were  hurled  from  their  ranks  with  invideous  contempt  and  you 
withered  beneath  their  just  and  indignant  wrath,  and  the  oration 
under  consideration  shows  clearly  and  obviouly  the  fallen  condition 
into  which  you  have  precipitated  yourself.  You  are  not  only  a  Hart- 
ford conventionist  —  a  Blue  Light  Federalist  —  but  an  unprincipled  and 
disorganised  Abolitionist  a  declared  enemy  to  the  country  which  gave 
you  birth  and  which  you  have  stained  by  your  lonesome  and  disconsate 
abandonment  of  principles  which  you  formally  held  sacred  and  a  friend 
and  advocate  of  Mexican  cruelty  and  usupretion.  Why  did  you  not 
pause  before  you  took  that  fatal  step  which  will  stain  America  in  such 
dark  and  foul  colours  that  time  will  never  eflfase  ?  Did  she  not  make 
you  her  President  ?  And  are  you  so  debased  as  to  forget  such  distingish- 
ing  favours  so  soon  and  treat  her  with  such  horrid  and  unheard  of  ingra- 
itude  ?  You  sir  justly  merit  the  withering  scorn  and  indignant  condem- 
nation of  every  American  Citizen  for  making  the  oration  now  under 
review.  I  presume  you  thought  yourself  the  Earl  of  Chatham  and  in  the 
British  Parliament  thundering  against  the  iniquitious  cruety  of  British 


99 

warfare  you  speak  of  our  Governmenfc  as  tring  to  arrest  the  pogress 
of  freedom  and  forging  manacles  for  the  inhabitanc  of  Mexico  and  mur- 
dering without  cause  the  innocen[t]  and  unoffending  Indians  and  retain- 
ing in  slavery  the  pure  enlighend  and  humane  Negros.  Perhaps  you 
had  a  design  in  thus  speaking  as  the  U.  S.  have  cast  you  into  the  vortex 
of  infamy  you  wish  to  get  a  foot  hold  in  Mexico  and  as  Sant  Anna 
has  fallen  you  think  there  is  a  chance  to  succeed  him  and  in  order  to 
satiate  your  demon  like  revenge  upon  our  Government  excite  (?)  the 
bloodthirsty  savage  and  the  hard  hearted  and  ignorant  Negros  into 
creuly  invasion  and  intestinal  rebelion.  while  you  with  your  herds  of 
Mexican  desporadoes  will  march  on  and  aid  the  bloody  intentions  and 
finally  overthrow  our  Country  which  is  freedom's  last  hope 

Yours  Q.  D.  Randal. 

It  was  during  the  following  winter  (January  23,  1837)  that 
Mr.  Adams  entered  on  his  historic  struggle  over  the  right  of 
petition.  He  then  wrote  as  follows  of  Calhoun,  his  former 
associate  in  the  Cabinet :  — 

Washington,  23  March,  1837. 
Charles  F.  Adams,  Boston. 

My  dear  Son,  —  ...  Slavery  and  the  questions  inevitably  fol- 
lowing from  it  will  henceforth  mingle  with  every  conflict  of  parties  in 
the  Union.  The  certain  and  desperate  assault  upon  the  whole  manu- 
facturing interest  of  New  England,  which  as  sure  as  you  live  will 
signalize  the  next  Session  of  Congress,  is  indissolubly  interlinked  with 
Slavery.  The  annexation  of  Texas  at  the  hazard  of  a  War  with 
Mexico,  which  nothing  but  a  special  interposition  of  Providence  can 
prevent,  is  entwined  with  the  vitals  of  Slavery.  Calhoun  is  spurring 
the  Administration  into  a  quarrel  with  Great  Britain  for  three  Cargoes 
of  Slaves,  driven  by  stress  of  weather  into  the  Islands  of  Bermuda  and 
the  Bahamas  and  there  emancipated.  I  sent  you  the  Document  con- 
taining the  correspondence  between  the  Governments  of  the  United 
States,  and  Great  Britain,  upon  the  claims  of  our  Slave  traders  for 
indemnity.  T  say  correspondence,  but  it  is  all  on  one  side.  The  first 
case,  that  of  the  Comet,  happened  in  1831.  And  our  Secretaries  of 
State  and  Envoys  Extraordinary  and  Charge  d'affaires  have  been  ever 
since  pinching  the  successive  British  Administrations,  for  indemnity  to 
the  Slave  traders.  In  six  years,  the  only  answer  they  have  got  from 
the  British  Administration  is  that  the  matter  has  been  referred  to  the 
Law  Officers  of  the  Crown  —  and  these  learned  Thebans  have  not 
yet  learnt  the  distinction  between  the  Piracy  of  the  African,  and  the 
lawful  Commerce  of  the  American  Slave  trade.  Calhoun  made  the 
call  for  the  Document,  and  upon  its  production  trounced  Old  Hickory 


100 

soundly  for  not  being  more  saucy  in  his  demands  upon  John  Bull  to 
indemnify  the  dealers  in  human  flesh,  for  their  property.  Calhoun's 
object  is  evidently  to  put  stumbling  blocks  across  the  path  of  the 
little  Magician.  But  his  claim  and  his  documents  are  a  disgrace  to 
our  Country ;  and  if  his  own  political  condition  were  not  desperation  he 
should  have  seen  how  ungraciously  a  call  came  from  Mm  upon  the 
Union  to  sustain  by  War  the  domestic  Slavery  of  the  South,  while  he 
is  making  the  welkin  ring  with  clamours  against  the  right  of  the  Union 
to  interfere  with  the  domestic  Slavery  of  the  South  in  any  manner 
whatever.  .  .  . 

Washington,  27  March,  1837. 
KiAH  Batley,  Esq^:,  Hardwick,  Vermont. 

Sir,  —  ...  You  observe  that  I  have  heretofore  shown,  that  Con- 
gress under  the  War  power  is  authorized  in  some  cases  to  meddle  with 
the  subject  of  Slavery ;  and  you  enquire  whether  the  trade  regulating 
power  does  not  place  the  Slave  question  very  much  under  the  control 
of  Congress? 

But,  Sir,  please  to  observe  that  on  the  very  same  day,  when  as  you 
think,  I  proved  that  Congress  is  authorized  in  some  cases  to  meddle 
with  the  snbject  of  Slavery,  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United 
States  did  by  a  majority  of  one  hundred  and  eighty  two  votes  to  nine 
"  Resolve  That  Congress  possesses  no  Constitutional  authority  to  inter- 
fere in  any  way,  with  the  institution  of  Slavery,  in  any  of  the  States  of 
this  Confederacy  "  ;  and  that^  when  this  Resolution  was  passed,  I  asked 
and  entreated  of  the  house,  only  live  minutes  of  time  to  prove  its 
utter  falsehood  and  was  answered  by  .  .  .  the  Previous  Question. 

Of  that  minority  of  nine  I  was  one  —  and  three  others  were  members 
from  Vermont.  It  was  also  resolved  on  the  next  day  by  a  majority  of 
132  votes  to  45  —  That  Congress  ought  not  to  interfere  in  any  way^ 
with  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Upon  that  Resolution  I  asked  to  be  excused  from  voting ;  because, 
not  being  allowed  to  assign  my  reasons  for  voting  against  it,  I  did  not 
choose  to  expose  myself  to  the  inference  that  my  opinion  was  that  Con- 
gress ought  at  that  time  to  abolish  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 
The  Resolution  itself  was  of  a  piece  with  all  the  rest  —  absurd  and  false. 
It  is  not  the  business  of  one  House  of  Congress  to  resolve  what  the 
whole  Congress  ought  not  to  do.  Their  business  is  to  do  what  they 
ought  to  do ;  and  to  abstain  from  doing  what  they  ought  not  to  do ; 
without  wasting  their  time  in  passing  Negative  Resolutions.  It  was 
therefore  absurd.  It  was  false,  because  there  are  ways  in  which  Con- 
gress ought  to  interfere  with  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  —  par- 
ticularly to  prohibit  the  abominable  traffic  which  has  so  long  dishonoured 
the  City  under  their  exclusive  jurisdiction. 


101 

But  while  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  are  in  a  temper  to  pass 
such  Resolutions,  and  by  such  overwhelming  majorities,  what  can  I  an- 
swer to  your  enquiries,  but  that  every  question  relating  to  Slavery,  and 
the  Abolition  of  Slavery  in  this  Union,  is  a  question  not  of  right  and 
wrong,  but  of  Power,  Prudence,  and  Promise.  Of  Power,  because  by 
the  Laws  of  God  and  Nature  the  relation  of  Master  and  Slave  can 
never  rest  upon  any  other  foundation.  Of  Prudence,  because  with  an 
Evil  so  deeply  seated  in  our  vital  parts  there  is  danger,  imminent 
danger,  in  giving  colour  to  the  idea,  that  right  and  wrong  have  any  ap- 
plication whatever  to  the  case.  Of  Promise,  because  we  have  contracted 
an  Union  with  the  Land  of  Slavery,  and  if  you  will  marry  into  a  family 
afflicted  with  Scrofula,  you  must  not  expect  that  the  blood  of  your  children 
will  escape  infection  from  the  disease.  We  have  bound  up  our  destinies 
in  community  with  the  People  of  States  encumbered  with  Slavery  before 
we  sealed  the  bond ;  and  by  the  bond  we  covenanted  to  tolerate,  to 
defend,  to  protect  that  institution  as  an  offspring  of  our  own,  though  not 
as  our  legitimate  progeny.  The  Resolution  therefore  that  Congress 
possesses  no  Constitutional  authority  to  interfere,  in  any  way,  with  the 
institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States,  has  no  more  foundation  in  Peace 
than  in  War ;  and  if  it  were  true,  the  institution  itself  would  within  ten 
years  crumble  into  ruin.  Nothing  but  the  Protection,  secured  to  the 
institution  of  Slavery  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  sustains 
it  now  against  the  spirit  of  Abolition ;  and  the  interference  of  Congress 
was  claimed  to  sustain  it,  in  various  ways,  at  the  very  time,  when  these 
Resolutions  were  forced  through  the  House  of  Representatives,  denying 
the  authority  of  Congress  to  interfere  with  it  in  any  way.  What  was 
the  recommendation  of  President  Jackson  to  Congress  to  enact  Laws  to 
suppress  the  conveyance  of  incendiary  publications  by  the  mail,  but  in- 
terference with  the  institution  of  Slavery,  in  the  worst  of  ways  — 
against  the  institutions  of  Freedom  ?  What  was  the  Bill,  arrested  at 
its  third  reading  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  at  the  first  Session 
of  the  last  Congress,  turning  every  Postmaster  throughout  the  Union 
into  a  Catchpoll  and  Spy,  upon  the  secrets  of  private  correspondence  by 
the  Mail;  with  discretionary  power  to  suppress  or  betray  them  as  his 
caprice  or  party  passions  might  stimulate ;  what  was  this  but  interfer- 
ence with  the  institution  of  Slavery,  in  the  States  ?  What  has  been  the 
whole  history  of  the  Colonization  Society,  and  what  have  been  all  the 
patronizing  Acts  of  Congress  in  its  favour,  but  interferences  with 
the  institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States  ?  Nay  what  is  the  abolition  of 
the  Slave  trade  itself  and  the  prohibition  of  it  upon  pain  of  death,  but 
interferences  with  the  institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States  ?  Is  not  all 
this  enough  ?  then  read  the  documents  which  I  forward  to  you  with  this 
letter.  A  message  from  the  President  to  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  —  with   a  correspondence   between   the    Governments    of    the 


102 

United  States  and  Great  Britain^  of  and  concerning  the  Cargoes  of  three 
slave-trading  ships,  owned  by  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  dis- 
turbed in  this  their  lawful  commerce,  by  the  emancipation  of  their  car- 
goes in  the  Islands  of  Bermuda  and  of  New  Providence.  There  you 
will  see  the  interference  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  not 
only  with  the  Institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States,  but  with  the  British 
Law  which  makes  the  Slave  trade  Piracy  upon  the  Ocean,  and  with  the 
emancipation  laws  of  Great  Britain  herself. 

I  leave  all  this  to  your  meditations ;  but  request  you  not  to  publish 
this  letter  at  present ;  nor  without  my  consent  hereafter.  Not  that  I 
wish  to  conceal  or  disguise  my  opinions  upon  these  subjects ;  but  be- 
cause I  have  made  most  of  them  public  in  other  ways,  and  because  I 
would  not  willingly  contribute  to  agitation  or  excitement  beyond  the 
necessities  of  the  time.  I  would  cheerfully  engage  not  to  interfere  with 
the  institution  of  Slavery  in  the  States  in  any  manner,  if  the  Slavery  in 
the  States  would  forbear  to  interfere  with  the  free  institutions  of  my 
native  Commonwealth  and  of  the  Union. 


Washington,  23  April,  1839. 
Samuel  Webb,  Philadelphia. 

Mt  respected  Friend,  —  ...  You  believe  that  the  question 
"  liow  can  Slavery  he  abolished"  the  easiest  part  of  the  subject  under 
consideration.  And  your  plan  is  that  the  Slave  holders,  by  Acts  of 
their  own  Legislatures  or  other  competent  authority,  surrender  their 
Slaves  and  Real  Estate  to  Commissioners,  at  their  present  value  and 
receive  stocks  at  interest,  to  be  redeemed  by  the  increased  value  of  the 
Lands,  by  the  Emancipation  of  the  Slaves,  and  the  sale  of  the  Lands 
to  them  in  small  farms  for  their  cultivation.  But  as  the  practicability 
of  this  measure  depends  upon  its  being  sanctioned  by  the  Legislatures 
of  the  Slave-holding  States,  I  fear  it  cannot  be  expected  to  be  made 
speedily  palatable  to  them  or  to  their  constituents. 

I  am  not  sure  that  my  own  proposal  which  I  would,  if  permitted, 
have  offered  to  the  House,  has  any  fairer  chance  of  success.  My  hopes 
of  a  peaceable  abolition  of  Slavery  in  this  Country,  at  any  time,  are 
not  sanguine.  To  any  other  mode  of  abolition,  I  must  not  only  with- 
hold all  voluntary  agency  of  mine,  but  must  avow  my  most  determined 
opposition.  To  preserve  my  own  freedom  and  that  of  my  fellow  citi- 
zens from  the  usurpations  of  Slavery,  as  far  as  may  be  in  my  power,  I 
shall  hold  to  be  my  irremissible  duty.  To  resist  as  far  as  possible  all 
measures  adapted  or  intended  to  strengthen,  support  or  perpetuate  the 
institution  of  Slavery,  I  hold  myself  equally  bound  —  but  for  its  abo- 
lition, however  desirable,  I  can  countenance  no  appeal  to  force,  nor  any 
act   of   legislation,  unwarranted   by  the    Constitution   of  the    United 


103 

States,  or  against  the  will  of  those  whose  interests  are  to  [too]  exclu- 
sively affected  by  the  Law. 

I  am  with  great  respect  and  esteem,  your  fellow  citizen  and  friend  — 

To  the  Rev^  Joshua  Leavitt  and  H.  B.  Stanton,  EsqE  of  the  Committee  of 

arrangements  of  the  American  Anti  Slavery  Society  —  New  York. 

QuiNOT,  11  July,  1839. 

Fellow  Citizens,  —  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  20-  ultimo 
inviting  my  attendance  at  the  National  Antislavery  Convention  to  be  held 
at  Albany  on  Wednesday  the  31-  of  the  present  month.  To  this  invi- 
tation you  have  been  pleased  to  add  an  earnest  adjuration  to  consider 
this  invitation  as  a  solemn  call  on  me  to  aid  in  the  rescue  of  my 
Country ;  and  that  if  I  cannot  attend  in  person,  I  should  communicate 
to  the  Convention  a  written  expression  of  my  views.  .  .  . 

The  Dissolution  of  the  Union,  may  indeed  be  the  forerunner  to  the 
Abolition  of  Slavery,  but  then  it  will  not  be  effected  peaceably,  nor 
with  the  consent  of  the  Masters.  A  civil,  savage,  and  servile  war, 
would  be  the  natural,  if  not  the  necessary  consequence  of  the  dissolu- 
tion of  our  Union,  and  that  the  result  of  that  war  would  be  the  total 
abolition  of  Slavery  throughout  this  Country  is  highly  probable.  If 
that  were  the  avowed  object  of  the  American  Anti  Slavery  Society,  I 
should  be  compelled  to  acknowledge  that  the  adaptation  of  their  means 
to  their  ends  was  ingenious  and  skilful ;  but,  if  the  imputation  of  being 
a  Man  stealer  cast  upon  every  Slave-holder,  were  one  of  them,  I  should 
still  withhold  ray  assent  from  it,  as  neither  just  nor  true.  .  .  . 

Since  the  close  of  the  last  Session  of  Congress  I  have  published  in 
the  National  Intelligencer,  two  letters  addressed  to  the  Petitioners 
who  had  committed  to  my  charge  their  petitions  for  presentation  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States.  Many  of  these 
petitions  were  for  the  rescinding  of  the  Gag  Resolutions  of  the  12-  of 
Dec^  1838  —  Against  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  this  Union  —  for  the 
promotion  of  universal  Peace,  by  the  Institution  of  a  Congress  of 
Nations  —  for  the  recognition  of  the  Republic  of  Hayti  —  and  for  the 
prohibition  of  the  Internal  Slave-trade.  To  the  accomplishment  of  all 
these  objects  I  should  have  taken  pleasure  in  giving  my  hearty  coopera- 
tion. A  decided  majority  of  the  House,  perseveringly  excluded  them  all 
from  debate.  With  regard  to  the  abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  throughout  the  Union,  I  asked,  but  could  not  obtain,  the 
permission  of  the  House  to  propose  three  Resolutions  of  Amendment 
to  the  Constitution,  for  the  total  abolition  of  Slavery,  by  providing  that 
all  children  born  within  the  United  States  after  a  given  and  distant  day 
shall  be  born  free.  That,  after  a  given  and  nearer  day,  there  shall  be 
neither  Slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  for  the  commission  of 
crime,  at  the  seat  of  Government  of  the  United  States  —  and  that,  with 


104 

the  exception  of  Florida,  no  Slave  State  shall  be  admitted  hereafter  into 
the  Union.  The  House  refused  to  receive  the  Resolutions,  and  they 
have  met  with  as  little  favour  from  the  Abolitionists  out  of  the  House 
as  they  did  from  the  House  itself. 

That  this  mode  of  abolition  will  ever  be  found  practicable,  I  am  not 
sanguine  in  the  belief;  but  that  it  is  the  only  mode  in  which  it  could 
be  effected  peaceably,  and  without  great  injustice,  I  do  firmly  believe ; 
and  that  all  the  attempts  to  the  immediate  abolition  of  Slavery  by  Law, 
without  compensation  to  the  Master,  will  not  only  prove  utterly  abor- 
tive, but  have  a  direct  tendency  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  to 
a  combined  civil,  servile  and  Savage  War,  I  see  as  clearly  in  the  pros- 
pect of  futurity  as  I  can  see  any  event  already  consummated  in  the 
retrospect  of  the  past.  .  .  . 

QuiNCY,  31  July,  1839. 
Gerrit  Smith,  Esq.,  Peterbourough,  New  York. 

Dear  Sir,  —  I  have  received  your  kind  and  friendly  letter  of  the 
16-  inst-  with  peculiar  gratification,  because,  though  written  with  the 
avowal  of  opinions  differing  from  mine  upon  points  of  great  importance 
to  our  common  Country,  it  bears  the  impress  of  Christian  Charity,  and 
the  marks  of  a  spirit  with  which  I  take  pleasure  in  communing,  even 
while  hopeless  of  coming  to  a  concurrence  of  sentiment,  with  regard  to 
one  or  two  particular  measures  bearing  upon  objects  which  we  have 
equally  at  heart.  .  .  . 

I  am  aware  that  the  unqualified  declaration  of  my  opinion  that  the 
immediate  abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the 
Territory  of  Florida,  by  Act  of  Congress,  is  utterly  impracticable  and 
would  be  eminently  unjust,  has  given  extensive  dissatisfaction  to  that 
numerous  class  of  my  fellow  citizens  who  call  themselves,  and  are  called 
by  others,  abolitionists.  I  have  great  respect  for  their  virtuous  prin- 
ciples and  pure  purposes,  and  regret  to  lose  their  good  will.  But  con- 
tending as  I  have  done,  and  still  do,  for  their  freedom  of  opinion  and  of 
speech,  what  opinion  would  they,  what  opinion  would  after  ages  enter- 
tain of  me,  if  I  should  basely  surrender  or  disguise  my  own.  My 
opinion  is  the  result  of  my  judgment,  and  is  not  under  the  controul  of 
my  will.  The  practicability  of  peaceable^  immediate  abolition  of 
Slavery  by  Law,  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories,  is  a 
mere  question  of  fact.  I  say  it  is  impracticable.  You  do  not  despair 
of  a  peaceful  and  bloodless  termination  of  American  Slavery  —  but 
your  "  hopes  of  such  an  event  are  faint."  But  the  Abolition  of  Slavery 
in  the  District  and  the  Territories  would  not  bring  you  one  inch  nearer 
to  the  termination  of  American  Slavery.  Would  the  Abolition  by 
Act  of  Congress  of  Slavery  in  the  District  and  in  Florida,  emancipate 
one  single  Slave  ?     No  !  —  for  were  it  possible  that  such  a  Law  should 


105 

be  enacted,  in  the  very  progress  of  its  passage  through  the  Houses 
every  Slaveholder  would  export  his  live  stock  into  the  States  where 
it  would  still  be  held  as  property  —  It  would  therefore  be  a  cruel  mercy 
to  the  Slaves  in  the  District,  to  abolish  Slavery  there  by  Law;  for  it 
would  doom  them  all  to  the  worst  aggravation  of  their  condition  — 
Transportation  to  Southern  States,  and  the  certainty  of  unending 
servitude. 

Of  the  speedy  overthrow  of  the  measureless  iniquity  of  Slavery 
throughout  this  Union  you  are  confident  —  but  your  prevailing  appre- 
hension is,  that  violence  will  accomplish  the  overthrow. 

If  the  time  should  ever  come  when  a  majority  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  a  President  of  the  United  States,  would  concur  to  enact 
the  immediate  abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District,  without  the  consent 
and  against  the  will  of  the  Masters  —  it  could  be  no  otherwise  than  by 
a  unanimous  vote  of  the  free  against  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  slave- 
holding  representation.  But  I  believe  that  long  before  they  can  come 
to  this  extremity  the  slave-holding  representation  would  secede  in  a 
mass,  and  that  the  States  represented  by  them  would  secede  from  the 
Union.  I  know  that  among  the  abolitionists  there  are  some  leading 
and  able  men,  who  consider  this  as  a  desirable  event.  I  myself  believe 
that  it  would  naturally,  and  infallibly,  lead  to  the  total  abolition  of 
Slavery,  but  it  would  be  through  the  ultimate  operation  of  a  war  more 
terrible  than  the  thirty  years'  war,  which  followed  the  Wittemberg 
thesis  of  Martin  Luther,  and  I  shrink  from  it  with  horror.  That  the 
Slave-holders  of  the  South  should  flatter  themselves  that  by  seceding 
from  this  Union  they  could  establish  their  peculiar  institutions  in  perpe- 
tuity, is  in  my  judgment  one  of  those  absurd  self  delusions  which  would 
be  surprizing,  if  they  did  not  compose  the  first  chapter  in  the  history 
of  human  nature.  The  Slaveholders  do  so  flatter  themselves,  and  will 
act  accordingly.  .  .  . 

QuiNCT,  21  August,  1839  — 
Benjamin  D.  Silliman  Esq""  Brooklyn  —  Kings-County  —  New  York  — 

Dear  Sir, —  Your  Letter  of  the  12-  inst*  affords  me  the  opportunity 
not  only  of  complying  with  your  request,  which  is  itself  an  obligation 
conferred  upon  me,  but  of  taxing  your  patience  more  than  I  could 
otherwise  have  presumed  to  do,  by  enclosing  to  you,  with  the  two 
letters  to  the  Petitioners^  with  the  presentation  of  whose  petitions  I 
was  charged  at  the  last  session  of  Congress,  which  I  presume  to  be  the 
papers  alluded  to  in  your  letter,  three  other  documents  developing  in 
connection  with  them  the  full  extent  of  the  views  which  have  regulated 
my  conduct  throughout  the  25-  Congress,  and  indeed  during  the  eight 
years  that  I  have  held  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the 
United  States,  upon  the  subjects  of  the  outraged  right  of  petition,  and 

14 

0 


106 

of  the  multitudinous  petitions  for  the  immediate,  uncompromised  abo- 
lition of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  in  the  Territories, 
that  is  to  say  in  Florida  —  These  are 

1.  A  Letter  to  my  Constituents,  the  Inhabitants  of  the  12-  Con- 
gressional District  of  Massachusetts,  dated  13  Augi  1838. 

2.  Speech  on  the  right  of  Petition,  freedom  of  Speech,  and  Texas  — 
June  and  July  1838. 

3.  Discourse  before  the  New  York  historical  Society  30  April  1839. 
And  also  — 

4.  A  Letter  to  the  petitioners  of  the  12-  Congressional  District  of 
Massachusetts  4  June  1839.  The  Letter  of  13  August  1838,  is  a 
report  to  my  Constituents,  of  what  had  occurred  at  the  1-  and  2^ 
Sessions  of  the  25-  Congress,  and  of  my  proceedings  in  them,  conform- 
able to  the  Resolutions  of  a  Convention  of  delegates  from  all  parts  of 
the  District,  held  on  the  23^  of  August  1837,  immediately  before  the 
meeting  of  Congress  at  the  special  Session. 

You  will  perceive  that  among  the  Resolutions  of  that  Convention, 
there  was  not  one  having  reference  to  the  immediate  abolition  of  Slav- 
ery in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territory,  or  indeed  to  Slavery 
or  its  abolition  at  all.  The  Convention  declared  their  entire  approba- 
tion of  the  course  that  I  had  before  that  time  pursued  with  regard  to 
the  right  of  Petition  and  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  pledged 
themselves  to  support  me  in  the  persevering  pursuit  of  the  same 
course. 

The  peaceable  abolition  of  Slavery,  throughout  this  Union,  has  always 
appeared  to  me  a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished,  and  I  have 
long  entertained  serious  doubts  whether  a  long  continuance  of  the 
Union  can  be  compatible  with  the  continued  existence  of  Slavery.  My 
involuntary  anticipations  of  the  future  have  been  that  Slavery  will  first 
effect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  that,  as  a  natural  consequence  of 
that  event.  War  will  abolish  Slavery,  and  terminate  in  a  mongrel  breed 
of  half  blood  European  and  African  race.  A  mulatto  nation,  which 
will  cover  the  Southern  half  of  this  Country,  from  North  Carolina  to 
Mexico. 

This,  or  the  reinstitution  of  Slavery  throughout  the  United  States, 
seem  to  me  the  only  alternatives  for  the  future  prospects  of  our  Country. 
I  have  deemed  it  my  duty  to  resist,  unguis  et  calcibus,  the  encroach- 
ments of  Slavery  upon  our  free  institutions,  but  not  to  follow  the  stand- 
ard of  any  Peter  the  Hermit  in  a  crusade  against  the  servile  institutions 
of  the  South.  From  my  heart  and  soul  I  wish  for  the  total  extinction 
of  Slavery  throughout  the  earth,  and  especially  throughout  this  Union  ; 
but  for  my  conduct  as  a  Citizen  and  a  Servant  of  the  People,  I  must 
abide  by  the  compromise  in  the  Constitution,  which  I  have  so  often 
sworn  to  support. 


107 

In  Washington's  farewell  Address  to  the  People  of  the  United  States, 
he  says  "all  combinations  and  associations,  under  whatever  plausible 
character,  with  the  real  design  to  direct,  controul,  counteract,  or  awe 
the  regular  deliberation  and  action  of  the  constituted  authorities,  are  de- 
structive of  this  fundamental  principle  (of  popular  government)  and  of 
fatal  tendency." 

There  is  not  in  the  farewell  address  one  sentiment  more  valuable  as 
admonition  to  his  Countrymen  than  this,  — I  have  treasured  it  as  a 
jewel ;  and  one  of  the  worst  acts  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  in  my  estimation,  was 
narrowing  down  this  maxim  of  all  embracing  patriotism  into  a  vene- 
mous,  and  malignant  denunciation  of  the  antirepublican  tendencies  of 
associated  wealth  ;  as  if  the  mischief  of  associated  power  was  confined 
to  the  action  of  the  rich. 

Since  the  days  of  Washington,  I  have  always  been  on  my  guard 
against  partial  associations  to  controul  public  measures.  I  have  never 
been  a  member  of  any  one  of  them:  not  even  of  a  Temperance 
Society. 

Associations  to  influence,  direct,  and  controul  the  action  of  the  Gov- 
ernment is  however  the  universal  expedient  of  all  parties,  all  inter- 
ests and  all  opinions.  We  have  them  in  numberless  varieties  of 
forms. 

The  Colonization  Society  is  one  of  them.  A  vast  undertaking  which 
originated  entirely  with  the  Slave-holders,  and  by  which  the  benevo- 
lence and  humanity  of  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States  continue  to  be 
egregiously  duped. 

The  coloured  Colonists  of  Liberia,  receiving  their  bread  and  Consti- 
tutions of  Sovereign  independent  Republics,  from  the  American  Colo- 
nization Society,  form  the  most  extraordinary  communities  on  the  face 
of  the  Earth. 

The  American  Anti  Slavery  Society,  composed  of  men  not  holding  a 
single  Slave,  undertaking  to  coax  and  reason  five  millions  of  their  fellow 
Citizens  into  the  voluntary  surrender  of  twelve  hundred  millions  of 
their  property,  and  commencing  their  discourse  to  the  heart  by  pro- 
claiming every  holder  of  a  Man  in  bondage,  a  Man  Stealer,  doomed  b}^ 
the  Mosaic  Law  to  be  stoned  to  death,  is  also  to  the  eye  of  a  rational 
observer  a  very  curious  show.  Peter  Pindar,  represents  Prudence 
when  she  goes  into  a  house,  as  leaving  all  her  opinions,  with  her  pat- 
tens, at  the  door.  But  it  would  seem  as  if  every  man  who  enters  into 
a  political  association,  must  leave,  not  only  his  opinions,  but  his  common 
sense  at  the  door. 

I  have  never  been  permitted  by  the  House  of  Representatives  to  give 
my  opinions  upon  the  abolition  question  generally,  nor  upon  that  of 
abolition  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  My  struggle  has  been  for  the 
Right  of  Petition  —  freedom  of  vSpeech  —  freedom  of  Debate  —  freedom 


108 

of  the  Press.  The  South  immediately  proscribed  me  as  an  Abolition- 
ist. The  Abolitionists  sent  almost  all  their  petitions  to  me.  Many  of 
them  because  their  Representatives  would  not  present  them.  I  never 
gave  the  slightest  countenance  to  their  petitions  for  the  immediate  un- 
compensated abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  or  else- 
where —  but  the  South  thought,  and  said,  I  did,  and  their  Lecturers  and 
Newspaper  Editors  were  beginning  to  hold  up  their  rod  of  political  ac- 
tion, in  terrorem,  and  to  give  intimations  that  I  must  subscribe  to  their 
whole  creed,  or  take  the  consequence  of  incurring  their  high  displeasure, 
I  found  it  necessary  therefore  to  be  perfectly  explicit  with  them ;  and, 
as  I  was  not  allowed  to  do  it  in  the  House,  I  addressed  to  them,  the 
two  letters  which  you  will  find  herewith  enclosed. 

I  was  very  earnestly  invited  by  Mr.  Leavitt  and  Mr.  Stanton  to 
attend  the  late  National  Anti-Slavery  Convention  at  Albany ;  but  de- 
clined, for  reasons  which  I  assigned  to  them  in  my  answer. 

If  the  total  Abolition  of  Slavery  be,  in  the  purposes  of  divine  Pro- 
vidence, as  I  believe  and  fervently  hope  it  is,  other  agents  and  other 
means  will  in  its  own  due  time  be  employed  than  either  American  Colo- 
nization or  Abolition  Societies.  Or  if  these  Societies,  or  either  of  them, 
are  to  be  made  instrumental  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  grand  work, 
they  must  entirely  change  their  modes  of  operation,  and  come  down 
from  the  empyrean  of  their  fancy  to  the  vapoury  atmosphere  of  this 
nether  world. 

I  am  with  great  respect,  Dear  Sir,  Your  obed-  Serv* 

President  William  Henry  Harrison  died  in  April,  1841,  and 
Congress  was  convened  in  special  session  on  the  31st  of  May. 
Mr.  Adams  at  once  pressed  for  an  amendment  of  the  rules  of 
the  House,  by  the  repeal  of  the  21st  rule,  known  as  "  the  Ath- 
erton  gag."  Excited  debates  followed,  in  which  Mr.  Adams 
took  a  leading  part.  Henry  A.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  assumed  the 
leading  part  in  the  debate  on  the  other  side,  speaking  under 
great  excitement  and  with  indications  of  extreme  physical 
exhaustion  (Memoirs,  vol.  x.  pp.  478,  479).  The  following 
letter  then  reached  Mr.  Adams  :  — 

Virginia  June  15*^  1841 
To  that  vile  Incendiary  John  Q.  Adams, 

On  parle  peu  quand  la  vanite  ne  fait  pas  parler.  This  french  prov- 
erb applies  to  all  such  slang  whanging  rascals  like  yourself.  Is  your 
pride  of  abolition  oratory  not  yet  glutted  ?  Are  you  to  spend  the  re- 
mainder of  your  days  endeavoring  to  produce  a  civil  and  servile  War  ? 
Do  you  like  Aron  Burr  wish  to  ruin  your  Country  because  you  failed 


109 

in  your  election  to  the  Presidency.  May  the  lightning  of  heaven  blast 
you,  and  may  the  great  Eternal  God  in  His  wrath  curse  you  at  the  last 
day  and  direct  you  to  depart  from  his  presence  to  the  lowest  regions 
of  Hell ! 

Is  there  no  bold  Virginian  or  chivalrick  Carolinian  ready  to  hurl 
you  from  the  Land  of  the  living  ?  I  think  there  is  —  Your  craven 
spirit  would  quail  before  the  menace  of  the  outraged  Southern  man 
and  nothing  but  a  good  horsewhip  will  serve  you  and  you  must  &  shall 
have  it.  You  detested  vindictive  villain  :  Your  motives  are  known  it 
is  revenge  for  your  disappointment  at  the  election  in  1828.  You  are 
an  insignificant  imitator  of  Burr  Arnold  and  O'Connell  and  deserve  the 
gallows  for  your  treason  to  your  Country. 

It  will  come  sooner  or  later.  It  is  not  forgotten  —  your  advocacy 
of  Shays  rebellion.  The  Devil  will  have  his  own  when  he  gets  your 
rascally  soul.     Beware  on  the  4*''  July  *  *  * 

U,  L  >  D  E 

[Postmark,  Dumfries,  Va. ;  endorsed  in  handwriting  of  J.  Q.  Adams :  "  Brutality."] 


Carefully  reviewing  this  scattered  record,  the  utterances  con- 
tained in  it  seem  to  me  noticeably  suggestive.  Possibly  I  am 
prejudiced ;  but,  as  I  read  them,  they  reveal  a  trained  instinct 
amounting  almost  to  political  prescience.  Indeed,  in  this  re- 
spect I  hardly  know  where  to  look  for  their  like.  Let  me 
briefly  summarize,  —  so  to  speak,  focusing  the  rays  of  light. 
Beginning  with  1820,  the  record  extends  to  1842,  a  period  of 
twenty-two  years;  more  than  two  generations  have  passed 
away  since  the  latest  entry  in  it  was  made ;  few  now  living  re- 
member the  time  of  the  first.  What  has  since  occurred  is  mat- 
ter of  history.  Beginning  with  the  Mexican  acquisitions  of 
1846,  we  look  back  on  the  slow  development  of  the  Slavery 
agitation  to  the  year  1860 ;  then  came  the  dissolution  of  the 
Union  by  the  withdrawal  from  it  of  eleven  States,  followed  by 
a  Civil  War  the  extent  and  character  of  which  we  well  remem- 
ber;  the  emancipation  of  the  slave,  by  virtue  of  a  proclamation 
issued  by  the  Commander-in-Chief  acting  by  authority  of  mar- 
tial law,  followed;  finally,  the  Union  was  re-established  on 
the  principle  of  universal  emancipation.  Such  is  the  condensed 
history  of  the  period  which  opened  five  years  after  the  record 
I  have  made  up  ended,  and  closed  fifty  years  after  that  record 


110 

began.  Now  let  me  summarize  the  utterances.  They  are,  I 
submit,  those  of  a  prophet. ' 

1819.  "  His  [Jeiferson's]  Declaration  of  Independence  is  an  abridged 
Alcoran  of  political  doctrine,  laying  open  the  first  foundations  of  civil 
society ;  but  he  does  not  appear  to  have  been  aware  that  it  also  laid 
open  a  precipice  into  which  the  slave-holding  planters  of  his  country 
sooner  or  later  must  fall.  .  .  .  The  seeds  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence are  yet  maturing.  The  harvest  will  be  what  West,  the 
painter,  calls  the  terrible  sublime." 

1820.  "  The  Missouri  question  has  taken  such  hold  of  my  feelings 
and  imagination  that,  finding  my  ideas  connected  with  it  very  numer- 
ous, but  confused  for  want  of  arrangement,  I  have  within  these  few 
days  begun  to  commit  them  to  paper  loosely  as  they  arise  in  my  mind. 
...  I  take  it  for  granted  that  the  present  question  is  a  mere  pream- 
ble —  a  titlepage  to  a  great  tragic  volume.  .  .  .  The  President  thinks 
this  question  will  be  winked  away  by  a  compromise.  But  so  do  not  I. 
Much  am  I  mistaken  if  it  is  not  destined  to  survive  his  political  and 
individual  life,  and  mine." 

^ "  If  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  should  result  from  the  slave  ques- 
tion, it  is  as  obvious  as  anything  that  can  be  foreseen  of  futurity,  that  it 
must  shortly  afterwards  be  followed  by  the  universal  emancipation  of 
the  slaves.  .  .  .  A  dissolution,  at  least  temporary,  of  the  Union,  as  now 
constituted,  would  be  certainly  necessary,  and  the  dissolution  must  be 
upon  a  point  involving  the  question  of  slavery,  and  no  other.  The 
Union  might  then  be  reorganized  on  the  fundamental  principle  of 
emancipation.  This  object  is  vast  in  its  compass,  awful  in  its  pros- 
pects, sublime  and  beautiful  in  its  issue.  A  life  devoted  to  it  would 
be  nobly  spent  or  sacrificed." 

"  If  slavery  be  the  destined  sword  in  the  hand  of  the  destroying 
angel  which  is  to  sever  the  ties  of  this  Union,  the  same  sword  will  cut  in 
sunder  the  bonds  of  slavery  itself.  A  dissolution  of  the  Union  for  the 
cause  of  slavery  would  be  followed  by  a  servile  war  in  the  slave-hold- 
ing States,  combined  with  a  war  between  the  two  severed  portions  of 
the  Union.  It  seems  to  me  that  its  result  must  be  the  extirpation  of 
slavery  from  this  whole  continent;  and,  calamitous  and  desolating  as 
this  course  of  events  in  its  progress  must  be,  so  glorious  would  be  its 
final  issue,  that,  as  God  shall  judge  me,  I  dare  not  say  that  it  is  not  to 
be  desired." 

1836.  "  From  the  instant  that  your  slave-holding  States  become  the 
theatre  of  war,  civil,  servile,  or  foreign,  from  that  instant  the  war 
powers  of  Congress  extend  to  interference  with  the  institution  of  slavery 
in  every  way  in  which  it  can  be  interfered  with." 

"  This  is  a  cause  upon  which  I  am  entering  at  the  last  stage  of  life. 


Ill 

and  with  the  certainty  that  I  cannot  advance  in  it  far;  my  career 
must  close,  leaving  the  cause  at  the  threshold.  To  open  the  way  for 
others  is  all  that  I  can  do.     The  cause  is  good  and  great." 

"  This  acquisition  of  Texas,  indissolubly  connected  as  it  is  with  the 
issue  now  making  up  between  Slavery  and  Emancipation,  forms  a  sub- 
ject of  contemplation  too  colossal  for  the  grasp  of  my  understanding! 
Is  the  whole  continent  of  North  America,  to  constitute  one  Confedera- 
tion, or  one  Military  Monarchy  ?  Has  Mexico  been  emancipated  from 
Spain,  only  to  be  conquered  by  the  Anglo  Saxon  race  of  our  Union  ? 
This  overflowing  of  our  population  into  Texas,  with  the  express  design 
of  breaking  it  off  from  Mexico,  and  annexing  it  to  the  Northern  Con- 
federac}'^  under  the  law  of  perpetual  Slavery,  has  an  ominous  aspect 
upon  our  futurity,  and  the  facility  with  which  it  will  prove  that  Mexico 
may  be  stripp'd  of  her  Territories.     Where  will  it  end  ?  " 

"  I  believe  that  the  final  issue  between  Slavery  and  Emancipation 
(a  word  which  I  prefer  to  abolition)  is  to  be  made  up  on  this  Conti- 
nent of  North  America.  I  would  hope  if  I  could  that  it  will  be  made 
up  peaceably,  and  settled  without  bloodshed  —  but  it  must  come.  It 
is  approaching  by  such  means  as  it  is  the  special  prerogative  of  Provi- 
dence to  employ." 

1838.  "  The  conflict  between  the  principle  of  liberty  and  the  fact 
of  slavery  is  coming  gradually  to  an  issue.  Slavery  has  now  the  power, 
and  falls  into  convulsions  at  the  approach  of  freedom.  That  the  fall 
of  slavery  is  predetermined  in  the  counsels  of  Omnipotence  I  cannot 
doubt ;  it  is  a  part  of  the  great  moral  improvement  in  the  condition  of 
man,  attested  by  all  the  records  of  history.  But  the  conflict  will  be 
terrible,  and  the  progress  of  improvement  perhaps  retrograde  before  its 
final  progress  to  consummation." 

1839.  "  The  Dissolution  of  the  Union,  may  indeed  be  the  fore- 
runner to  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,  but  then  it  will  not  be  effected 
peaceably,  nor  with  the  consent  of  the  Masters.  A  civil,  savage,  and 
servile  war,  would  be  the  natural,  if  not  the  necessary  consequence  of 
the  dissolution  of  our  Union,  and  that  the  result  of  that  war  would 
be  the  total  abolition  of  Slavery  throughout  this  Country  is  highly 
probable." 

"  If  the  time  should  ever  come  when  a  majority  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress,  and  a  President  of  the  United  States,  would  concur  to  enact 
the  immediate  abolition  of  Slavery  in  the  District,  without  the  consent 
and  against  the  will  of  the  Masters  —  it  could  be  no  otherwise  than  by 
a  unanimous  vote  of  the  free  against  a  unanimous  vote  of  the  slave- 
holding  representation.  But  I  believe  that  long  before  they  can  come 
to  this  extremity  the  slave-holding  representation  would  secede  in  a 
mass,  and  that  the  States  represented  by  them  would  secede  from  the 
Union.     I  know  that  among  the  abolitionists  there  are  some  leading 


112 

and  able  men,  who  consider  this  as  a  desirable  event.  I  myself  believe 
that  it  would  naturally,  and  infallibly,  lead  to  the  total  abolition  of 
Slavery,  but  it  would  be  through  the  ultimate  operation  of  a  war  more 
terrible  than  the  thirty  years'  war,  which  followed  the  Wittenberg 
thesis  of  Martin  Luther,  and  I  shrink  from  it  with  horror.  That  the 
slave-holders  of  the  South  should  flatter  themselves  that  by  seceding 
from  this  Union  they  could  establish  their  peculiar  institutions  in  per- 
petuity, is  in  my  judgment  one  of  those  absurd  self  delusions  which 
would  be  surprising,  if  they  did  not  compose  the  first  chapter  in  the 
history  of  human  nature.  The  slaveholders  do  so  flatter  themselves, 
and  will  act  accordingly." 

"  The  peaceable  abolition  of  Slavery,  throughout  this  Union,  has 
always  appeared  to  me  a  consummation  devoutly  to  be  wished,  and  I 
have  long  entertained  serious  doubts  whether  a  long  continuance  of  the 
Union  can  be  compatible  with  the  continued  existence  of  Slavery.  My 
involuntary  anticipations  of  the  future  have  been  that  Slavery  will 
first  effect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  and  that,  as  a  natural  consequence 
of  that  event,  War  will  abolish  Slavery,  and  terminate  in  a  mongrel 
breed  of  half  blood  European  and  African  race. " 

"  If  the  total  Abolition  of  Slavery  be,  in  the  purposes  of  divine  Prov- 
idence, as  I  believe  and  fervently  hope  it  is,  other  agents  and  other 
means  will  in  its  own  due  time  be  employed  than  either  American 
Colonization  or  Abolition  Societies.  Or  if  these  Societies,  or  either  of 
them,  are  to  be  made  instrumental  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  grand 
work,  they  must  entirely  change  their  modes  of  operation,  and  come 
down  from  the  empyrean  of  their  fancy  to  the  vapoury  atmosphere  of 
this  nether  world." 

1842.  "  It  is  a  war  power.  I  say  it  is  a  war  power,  and  when 
your  country  is  actually  in  war,  whether  it  be  a  war  of  invasion  or  a 
war  of  insurrection.  Congress  has  power  to  carry  on  the  war,  and  must 
carry  it  on  according  to  the  laws  of  war;  and  by  the  laws  of  war  an 
invaded  country  has  all  its  laws  and  municipal  institutions  swept  by  the 
board,  and  martial  law  takes  the  place  of  them.  This  power  in  Con- 
gress has,  perhaps,  never  been  called  into  exercise  under  the  present 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  But  when  the  laws  of  war  are  in 
force,  what,  I  ask,  is  one  of  those  laws  ?  It  is  this :  that  when  a 
country  is  invaded,  and  two  hostile  armies  are  set  in  martial  array,  the 
commanders  of  both  armies  have  power  to  emancipate  all  the  slaves  in 
the  invaded  territory." 

"  I  lay  this  down  as  the  law  of  nations.  I  say  that  the  military 
authority  takes  for  the  time  the  place  of  all  municipal  institutions,  and 
slavery  among  the  rest ;  and  that,  under  that  state  of  things,  so  far 
from  its  being  true  that  the  States  where  slavery  exists  have  the  exclu- 
sive management  of  the  subject,  not  only  the  President  of  the  United 


113 

States  but  the  commander  of  the  army  has  power  to  order  the  universal 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  I  have  given  here  more  in  detail  a  prin- 
ciple which  I  have  asserted  on  this  floor  before  now,  and  of  which  I 
have  no  more  doubt  than  that  you,  Sir,  occupy  that  Chair.  I  give  it 
in  its  development,  in  order  that  any  gentleman  from  any  part  of  the 
Union  may,  n  he  thinks  proper,  deny  the  truth  of  the  position,  and 
may  maintain  his  denial ;  not  by  indignation,  not  by  passion  and  fury, 
but  by  sound  and  sober  reasoning  from  the  laws  of  nations  and  the 
laws  of  war." 


16 


14  DAY  USE 

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